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A V I L A. 







11 Truths would you teach, to fave a finking land, 
" All read none aid you, and few underfland. 
' 'Tvvas then the ftudious head, or gen'roas mind, 
Foll'wer of God, or friend of human kind, 

" Taught Pow'rs due ufe to people and to kings, 

" Taught nor t<> flack nor flrain its tender firings 

" The lefs or greater, fet fo juftiy true, 

" That touching one r.mft (Irike the other too ; 

" Ti ' pring iiiterelis, of themfelves, create 

" Th' accnrding mufic of a well mix'd State. 

" Sucli is the world's great harmony that fprings 

" Fro-n T.j e r, un o;. full x:oufcnt of things ; 

IVhere 1'mall .idg:tdt, \vherc weak and mighty iuae 
' To fcrvre, not fuffer ftrengthen, not invade; 
et Mort jjowi'rt'u! each jj needful to the reft, 
" And in proportioa ^s it bleffes, hlcft POPE. 




THE Numbers, which form this Vol. were originally published in the 
Gazette of the United States, at New- York and Philadelphia, during the 
year 1790 ; and were then fuppofed to be the production of the celebra- 
ted author of the " Lef nee cf tie American CenJIitutioni" In fupport of this 
opinion, we could, if it were neceflary, give many reafons ; but the 
reader, on a careful perufal of them, will readily dilrover, that they are 
the offspring of the fame mind, and may be diftin&Iy confidered as cor- 
relative parts, or an additional volume to the above work. With this view 
we have been governed, both in the fize of the type and page, and in the 
Duality of the paper, to the American edition of the Defence. 



SINCE the publication of ihefe Bifcourfes in 1790, our 
pbfervations abroad, and experience ;\\ ii< rr.r, liave fuffiaent- 
ly taught us the leilons they were intended to inculcate ; and 
the evils they were defigned to prevent, have borne teiU- 
mony of their truth. 

It is unnecefTary to mention the rank o r reputation of the 
fuppofed author, to give celebrity to the work. The Difcour- 
fes are allowed, by the beft judges, to form a complete cffay 
on afTociated man, in which practical improvement is drawn 
from profound inveftigation ; his principles cf action, as an 
individual, traced to their effects in his relative capacity ; and 
from the light of hiftory, and a thorough knowledge of his 
nature, his paft difafters are made fubfervient to his prefent 
and future happinefs. 

The maxims inculcated in thefe Difcourfes, are calculated 
to fecure virtue, by laying a reftraint upon vice ; to give vi= 
gour and durability to the tree ot liberty, by pruning its ex- 
crefcencies ; and to guard it againft the temped of faction, by 
the protection of a firm and well balanced government. 

A work, combining fo much excellence, on a fubject of fuch 

dignity and importance, "cannot be too much appreciated 

Conceiving it to be both ulcful and honorable tc their country, 
the Lditois are defirous of preferving it from the inevitable 
wreck of a newfpaper publication ; and believing the work 
will not fail of being approved by their fellow-citizens, they 
now tranfmit it to the public in a more durable iorm, without 
the aid of fubfcription or private patronage. 

Two FadVions, drunk with Erthufiafm, and headed by men of the mod 
Jefpcrate Ambition, dcfolattd France. 

Remarkt en lie Hifory of England* 
Boflon, March, 1805. 

T/u Writer jtf' /fas Jn/*<4,tA uA**H** f 

^ <t ft*. 

* * 

. 4 

n -</ >> 

J-/ A*< 

No. i. 

Fcclix, quern faciunt aliena pericula cautum. 

1 HE French nation, known in antiquity 
under the appellation of the Franks, were ori- 
ginally from the heart of Germany. In the de- 
clcnlion of the Roman Empire, they inhabited a 
country in the North, along the river Rhine, fi- 
tuated between Bavaria and Saxony, which (till 
preferves the name of Franconia. Having excef- 
lively multiplied, as it happens in cold climates, 
their country was found not fufficiently exten- 
live to contain them, nor fertile enough to nou- 
rifli them. Excited by the example of their 
neighbours, they refolved, by a common voice, 
to divide themielves into two nations ; one of 
which mould continue to inhabit their antient 
country ; and the other endeavour to procure, 
elfewhere, by the force of arms, an eftablifliment 
more vaft, more commodious, and more fertile. 
This enterprife was refolved, and this divdfion 
made by unanimous confent. Such as were def- 
tined by lot, to eflav their fortune, although 
trained to war, and incapable of terror, at the 
apprehcniion of the dangers of fuch an enter- 
prife, thought, however, that they ought not to 
abandon it to anarchy or hazard, but to conduct 
it with prudence and order. To concert the 
B meafurcs 

t^- .^ft-i {4 

'DISCOURSES ON DAFILA. &"~"*t & *&** 

&T < 




meafures neceffary for the execution of their 
project, they aflembled in the plains, in the neigh- 
bourhood of the river Sala. Accuftomed for 
many ages, to live in the obedience of a Prince, 
and thinking; the monarchical it ate the moft con- 


venient to a people who afpire to augment their 
power, and extend their conquefts, they refolved 
to choofe a King, who iliould unite in his fifTgle 
,* perfon, all the authority of the nation. Here per- 
u r j liaps DAVILA is incautious and incon eel ; ix)r the 

.5 /vert Franks, as well as Saxons, and other German na- 
;/ tions, though their s:overnments were monar- 


.,. chical, had their Grandees and People, who met 

Jmtifd, ri ' anc j deliberated in National Aflemblies, whofe re- 

14 AtlMuftr0 fults were often, to fay the lead, confidered as 

t ' o*"- ^ vs - Their great misfortune was, that, while 
it never v/as fufficiently afcertained, wheth-er the 

''"* ^ f 1 fovcreicrnty refided in the Kin?, or in the Nation- 

+ * * O * O * 

*' /fciht* l * ~dl AJJembly, it was equally uncertain, whether 
L > , .0 f( i the King had a negative on the aiTernbly ; wheth- 

ipr tlif Or^nrlppt; fiarl n npcrntivf nn fhp Kincr nr 

er the Grandees had a negative on the Kin^r. or 

people ; and whether the people had a nega- 
tive on both, or either. This uncertainty will 
appear hereafter, in DAVILA himfelf, to mark its 
courfe in bloody characters ; and the whole hif- 
tory of France will fhew, that from the firft mi- 
gration of the Franks from Germany to this 
hour, it has never been fufficiently explained and 

To this fupreme degree of power in the King 
(as DAVILA proceeds) they added, that the crown 
fliould be hereditary in the family elected ; fore- 
feeing, that if it were elective, it would be a 
fource of civil wars, which would prove deftruc- 
, /, tive to all their enterprifes. Mankind, in new 
' eftablifliments, generaUy act with fmcerity, and 
- a jQ n g] e view to the public good. They lif- 

A r-t t~* t> yn. 


ten neither to the ambition nor the intereft 
Oi private perforis : Pharamond was elected -sn( 
King, by unanimous confent. He was a fon of 
Marcomir, iilue of the blood which had 
cd the nation for many ages ; and, to an expe- 
rienced valor, united a profound wifdom, in the 
art of government. It was agreed that the fame 
title, and equal power, mould clefcend to his le- 
gitimate pofterity of the male line, in default of 
which the nation mould return to their right of 
electing a new fovereign. But as unlimited au- 
thority may eafily degenerate into tyranny, the 
Franks, ?t the time of the election of their King, ^ ^ 

demanded the eftablifhment of certain perpetual 'J'nndn't-n.** ( a 
and irrevocable laws, which fhould regulate thQrai 
order of fucceilion to the throne, and prefcribe in 
a few words, the form of government. Thcfe 
laws, piopofed by their priefts, whom they nam--'^* 
ed Salitns, and inftituted in the fields, which take n> csrt fk^/i 
their name from the river Sa/a, were originally f7 rtfcr 0} 
called Salique laws, and have been confidered, yw 



from the eftablifhment of the monarchy, as the" */.. 

primitive regulations and fundamental conflitu- * 
tions of the kingdom, 

Leaving their country to the old Prince Mar- 
comir, and palling the Rhine, under the com- 
mand of Pharamond. the Franks marched to the 
conqueft of the Gauls, about the four hundred . 
and nineteenth year of the chriftian yEra. The 
Roman legions, united with the Gaulim troops, 
rcfifted Pharamond, till his death. The fceptrs 
was left to his fon Clodion, an intrepid Prince, 
in the flower of his age, who in feveral battles 
defeated the nations of the country, difiipated , 

the Roman armies, and eftablifhed himfelf in Bel- 
gick Gaul. Merovius, who fucceeded him, made * /( 
a rapid projreii ; penetrated into Celtic Gaul 5 J 

"<* (tc rj Jicvi<^> o rfi t.? >/ W A ^ //L 

* a 


cm a 7c JffA^ /- >u --v t , r/co. -/ ^* ^ r " l ^ t , 

1 * ^^ 
* s 

^ JiiT W. 

it* iA.',-Y*l 7h*.-rt tr^'t +*tt4**t r\ <* It*. /' - V. -/&> -X^i fl ^ 

/haul ' n **\ >l t ^ t T 

, ift M <?**& 


s,*id extended his empire to the gates of Pans ; 
judging that he had conquered country enough to 
contain his fubjects, and form a ftate of reafonable 
extent, he limited the courfe of his exploits, and 
turned all his cares to peace, after having united 
under the fame laws, and the fame name, the 
conquerors and the vanquifhed, whom he s;ov- 

. , 11 T r j j i A.-L T> i*~ r 

erned peaceably. He died leaving the r ranks io- 
|-jjy eftabliihed in Gaul : Such "is the origin of 
the French monarchy, and fuch are her funda- 
mental laws. 

By the difpolitions of the fame laws, the work 

r i iiT'i j 

or the nation, are regulated, the rights and pre- 
rogatives of the Princes of the Blood : As each 
of them, in default of direct heirs, may, accord- 
ing to his rank, be called to the crown, their in- 
terefts are neceiTarily connected with thofe of the 
ftate. The people regard thefe privileges, as in- 
violable : Neither length of time, nor diftance of 
degree has ever done them any injury. All thefe 
Princes preferve the rank which nature has allot- 
ted them, to fucceed to the throne. They have in- 
deed, in the courfe of time, taken different names, 
1 ' 'ioiA fuch as thofe of Valois, of Lourbom^ of Orleans, of 

/7*j -6j-r><> <d n g !{ k' ne -> f Vendome, of Ale neon, of Montponjier ; 
but they have not by thefe means loft the rights 
attached to the royal confanguinity, that, efpe- 
dally of fucceeding to the crown. Thefe difrer- 
ent branches, have from time to time aiTerted 
<rn t ^ ie P l " e - em i Rence ? <^ ue to their blood ; to inter- 

M hjctJi" fe them the more forcibly, in the prefervation 
"of a crown, to which, in fucceilion, they may all 
be called, it has been commonly made a rule, 
in cafe of the minority, or abfence of the lawful 
King, to choofe for the tutors or regents of the 
kingdom, the Princes who were neareft related ; 
it would not indeed be natural to entruft the ad- 



miniftration to the hands of ftrangers, who might 

deftroy, or at leaft difmember fo beautiful a ftate : 

Whereas Princes born of the fame blood, ought, 

for that rcafon, to watch over the confervation 

of an inheritance, which belongs to them, in 

fome fort. This right is not fun ply founded up- 

onufage: The States General of the Kingdom, in* e ,j? 

whom refides the entire power of the whole na-^//<**,/*~ 

tion whom they renrefent, have frequently con- < - tf ^..^ *~* * 

i TT i 

nrmed it. Here again w r e meet with another 
inaccuracy, if not a contradiction in DAVILA ; 
or rather with another proof of that confufion of /. y. '/ 
law, and that uncertainty of the fovereignty, * 
which for 1500 years has been to France, the fa--m*-#*"- / * / / 1 '** "**-. 
tal fource of fo many calamities :* Here the fov- 
ereignty, or whole power of the nation, is aflert- 
cd to be in {.\\zjlates general ; whereas only three 
pages before, he had afferted that the whole au- 
thority of the nation was united in the King. 

Thefe two prerogatives, of fucceeding to the 
throne when a King dies without mafculine pof- 
terity, and of governing the kingdom during the 
abfence or minority of the legitimate fovereign, 
have at all times procured to the Princes of the i 

blood, a great authority among the people, and 
the beft part in the government. They have ap- 
plied themfelves accordingly with remarkable 
vigilance, to the adminiitratien of an Empire, 
which they regarded with juftice as their patri- 
mony : And the people, judging that they might 
have them one day for their tirft Magiftrates, 
have always fhewn them the more refpecl, as they 
have more than once known the younger branch- 
es to afcend the Throne, in default of the elder. /, 
Thus the Crown has palled from the Merovin- ^ ' l 


: Misera Servitus est, ubi jus est vagumaut incognitura. 


j* f gians to the Carlovingians, and finally to the 

Capetians ; but always from mule to male, in 
l ". . the Princes of the blood of thefe three races. 

fca.ptLia/n* t From the lail of thefe dcfceaded the King Louis 
the eleventh, whom the innocence of his life and 

Jl cJotii* t ^ e mte o r>lt y f h* s manners, have placed in the 
'-*/ Y//-J number of the Saints. He left two fons, Philip 

A i / L the third, furnamed the Hardy ; and Robert, Earl 
. of Clermont. Philip continued the elder branch, 
tfhxAtj* !<<*-* which reigned more than three hundred years, 
^ . . / and took the furnamc of Valois. From Robert 
is defcended the younger branch, or the houfe of 
0>t ' Bourbon, fo called, from the province, in which 
it pofidTcd its fettlement. This houfe, refpecta- 
ble not only by birth, which placed it near the 
throne, but alfo by the extent of its lands and 
riches, by the valour and number of its Princes, 
almofl all diftinguiilied by their merit and a liii- 
gular affability, arrived foon at an high degree 
of power. This elevation, joined to the favour 
of the people, excited againil the Bourbons, the 
jealqufy and envy of the Kings, whom this great 
credit and diflinguimed fplendor, difpleafed, and 
alarmed. Every day brought frelh occaiions of 
hatred, iufpicion and diftruft, which feveral times 
robaud broke out in arms. Thus in the war, for the 
pullic good, John, Duke of Bourbon, declared him- 
feif againft Louis the eleventh : and Louis the 

* ' ' 

t\velfth, before his acctiiion to the throne, was at 
war with Peter of Bourbon. The jealoufies 
which thefe Princes infpired into Kings, expofed 
/t. ^o-rok ^,i them lometimes to fecret vexations, and fome- 
^ opho^b*-* k times to declared enmities. We may add to this 
. .,, reflection of DAVILA, that it is extremely proba- 

**} A "Ast $ / 

j *, ^ ble, that thefe Princes, by frequently betraying 

^ fymptoms of ambition, afpiring at the throne, 

U /*** |( might give to Kings, juit grounds of jealoufy 

and alarm. Before 


_ v , 

Before we proceed in our difcourfes on DAVI-^^ y^ s > 
LA, it will affift us, in comprehending his narra-^ it & 
tion, as well as in making many ufeful refle6tions "* 

in morals and policy, to turn our thoughts for a 
few moments to the conftitution of the human 
mind. This 'we fhall endeavour to do in our 
next eflay. JC.L 

No. 2. 

La nature parle aux cceuvs dcs Rois, tout comme a ceux des 


NATURE fpeaks the fame language to the hearts 
of Princes, as to thofe of other men. Kings com- 
pare themfelves with Kings, or with fuch of their 
own fubjects, as are neareil to them ; and have 
the fame fentiments as private perfons, of pride, 
vanity, jealoufy, refentment, and hatred, arifing 
from fuch companions, en , ^ i j 

FRANCIS Ift. after his afcenfion to the throne, - ft 
whether he was milled by an imprudence of youth, 
or whether he confulted only his own beneficent 
difpofition, propofed to himfelf, from the iirft day 
of his reign, to aggrandize the Pr-inces of the 
blood, and load them with favours. To elevate 
in dignity thofe who belonged to the Royal fa- 
mily, by proximity of blood, he believed to be 
for his own glory. Having difcerned in Charles , har 
the head of the branch of Bourbon, all the talents 
\vhich form the great Captain; and the able States- 
man, he gave him the office of Conftable ; and by, 
confering on him, and the Princes of that houfc, 
the moil diftinguiihed employments, he placed 
them at the head of the moil important affairs 



of his kingdom.* This it muft be confeffed was 
impolitic ; iince it is always dangerous for the 
iirit in office or comr ...uid. to be over fond or fa- 
miliar with the feco-id to confer too many op- 
portunities of eclipfmg his own glory, or of draw- 
ing away the attention of the public j or to offer 
too many temptations to ambition, rivalry, or 
envy. Accordingly the firft fire of this zeal aba- 
ted ; and experience having excited his jeaioufy, 
or policy revealed to him the reafons of the con- 
dud, which his predeceffors had holden ; he 
manifefted in the fequel as much eagernefs to 
lower the Bourbons, as he had at firft difcovered 
of affection to exalt them. 

Fortune foon prefented an opportunity favor- 
able to his deiign. Louifa of Savoy, his mother, 
/ had commenced a law fuit againft Charles, for 
* the Dutchy of Bourbon, in his poffeffion, Judg- 
es, in thofe days, were not independent. The King 
thought that by influencing the decifion, in fa- 
vor of his mother, and by thug defpciling the 
Iioufe of Bourbon of the richeft portion of their 
patrimony, he might accelerate the declenfion of 
a credit, founded in part on their immenfe rich- 
es. Charles, in the courfe of the proceedings, 
difcovered the manoeuvres, which \vere practifed 
to his prejudice, by the Chancellor Duprat, by 
order of the King, The indignation, which he 
conceived at this injury, and the apprehenfion 
of the reverfe of fortune which threatened him, 
ftruck him fo forcibly, that, having negociated 
, / / , fecretly with the Emperor, Charles the fifth, and 
(,* , M. V Henry the ^th, King of England, he confpired 
" * asrainft 

t O 

* See the late correfpondence between the Prince of Wales 
2nd his hither, brother, &c Alfo, reccolleft the conduct 
of the Duke of Malborough and Qj_.een Ann and her Minis- 
ters. By fuch combination of circumftances, what havoc 
is made with coiiftitutions and adminiftrations, 1804. 


againft the State, and even againft the perfon of 

the King. His defigns were difcovered ; and , 

necefliated to fly the kingdom with precipitation, 

he afterwards bore arms againft his ibvereign. 

He commanded the Imperial army at the battle io >* ** 

of Pavia, in which, after the bloody defeat of the 

French army, the Kincr furrounded on all fides 

^ ' O 

by the infantry of the enemy, remained a prif- 
oner. The Conftable, as a pimifhrnent of all 
thefe crimes, was declared a rebel : All his eftates 
were complicated and united to the dominions of 
the crown. He was killed foon after, at the 
taking of Rome : and there remained to the 
Bourbons nothing of that grandeur, which had 
inipired fo much umbrage to Kings. Their mif- 
for tunes did not ceafe here. Although Charles 
was deceafed without iiTue, and the other Princes 
of his Houfe had not favored his revolt, refent- 
ment in the breaft of the King overcame his rea- 
fon, and the Bourbons were deprived of the fa- 

* A. 

vours of the court, and banimed from the eov- 

*~ / - 

eminent. Their perfonal merit could not foften 
the hatred attached to their name. This rigour, 
it is true, diminifhed with time, and in propor- 
tion as the memory of the paft, and the difad- 
vantao;eous ideas which the Kins: had conceived 

o O 

of them, were effaced from his mind. Never- 
thelefs, he cautioufly applied himfelf, to obftruct 
all the paffages, by w r hich they might have re- 
turned to the poireffion of thofe dignities, and 
that power, to which royal favor had formerly 
raifed them. Thefe fecret difpoiitions of the 
King were perfectly known to Charles of Ven- 
dome, now at the head of that Houfe, who 
his moderation, ftudied to diffipate the fulpi- 
cions, which were entertained againft his family : 
in this view he refilled, during the imprifon- 
c ment 


ment of the King, to pretend to the regency,, 
which belonged to him, of right. After the 
King was fet at liberty, Charles fliut himfelf up 
with his domeftics, leading a private life, with- 
out meddling in the government of a State, in 
which he faw he was fufpected. All the other 
Bourbons, after his example, retired, as much to 
prove that they were innocent of the revolt of 
the Conftable, as to mark their fubmiflion to 
the will of the King, even when it was moit 
difadvantageous to them. They avoided every 
thing which could revive the diftruft againft 
them ; and, too openly in difgrace, to think of 
elevating thernfelves to thofe dignities which 
they thought alone fuitable to their birth, and 
too haughty to defcend to the fmaller places, 
they renounced all the honors and offices of the" 
court. The fame caufes produce the fame ef- 
fects. The late revolution in France, opened a 
profpect to the Royal- family-, not very different 
from that in 1515. Though the merits and in- 
juries of Orleans, may not be compared to thofe 
of a Conftable de Bourbon j - yet the pailions of 
77k., 3nki <r/ a Prince of the blood of the fecond order may 
hereafter be painted by another DAVILA. Op- 
portunity will generally excite ambition to af- 
pire ; and if even an improbable cafe Ihould 
happen of an exception to this rule, danger will 
always be fufpected and apprehended, in fuch. 
circumftances, from fuch caufes. We may foon 
fee, that a form of government, in which every 
paflion has an adequate counterpoife, can alone, 
iecure the public from the dangers and mifchiefs,, 
of fuch rivalries, jealoufies, envies and hatreds.. 


No. 3. 

Augufl verite ! 

C'cft a toi, de montrer aux yeux des nation* 
Les coupables effets de leurs divifions. 

WHEN one family is depreffed, either in a 
Ivlonarchy, or in any fpecies of republic, another 
rnuft arife. While, in the reign of FRANCIS Ift, 
they thus humbled the branch of the Bourbons ; 
there arofe two other powerful families, who 
foon obtained the adminiftration of affairs : The 
houfe of Montmorency, and that of Guife ; bot 
indeed inferior to the Blood Royal ; but both 
illuftricus by the fplendor of the moft ancient no- 
bility. That of Montmorency produces Titles, 
which prove its defcent, by an uninterrupted fuc- 
cefiion, from one of the principal Grandees who 
accompanied Pharamond in his firft expedition. 
It has the glory of having been the firft French 
houfe which received baptifm and the Chriftian 
Faith. The memory of this diftinctlon is pre- 
ferved in the motto of their arms, God help the 
firft Chriftian Baron.; a fplendid teftimony both, 
of the antiquity and religion cf their anceftors. . , *, . 
Anne of Montmorency, who united a vaft ge-^ hh>< * 
nius, directed by prudence, to a grave and im-r* |f<1t "* 
poling deportment who combined a lingular 
addrefs to a patience never to be exhauiled in the 
intrigues and affairs of the Court, which change 
fo^ often their afpeel, fprung from this flock. 
His high qualities merited the confidence of 
-Francis Ift. After having paffed through all the 
military gradations of the State, he was at firft 
elevated to the dignity of Grand Mafter of the 
-King's houfehold, and after the death of the Duke 



Bourbon, to that of Conjlabte in one word he 
concentered in his perfon, the command of ai% 
mies, and the principal adminiftration of all the 
affairs, civil and political, of the kingdom. 
J ra^n ^ le nou ^ e f Lorrain, of which that of Guife 
is a branch, derives its original, from the high- 
eft antiquity. It reckons among its paternal an- 
ceftors, Godfrey of Bouillon, the famous leader 
of the Crufades, who by his valor and piety con- 
quered the kingdom of Jerufalem ; and by the 
female line it traces its defcent from a daughter 

Charlemain. Anthony, of Lorrain, chief of 
this rich and powerful family, reigned over his 
people, with an abfolute authority : Claud, his 
younger brother, went into France to take pof- 
feffion of the Dutchy of Guife, and there recom- 
mended himfelf by his valor. After the battle 

Jof Marignan, where he commanded the German 
O.Yl(j v troops, he was taken out from an heap of dead 
bodies, covered over with blood and wounds ; 
his cure was thought to be a miracle, and he held 
afterwards the liril rank among the greateft cap- 
tains of France. The houfes of Guife and Mont- 
morency, had rendered feryices of fuch impor- 
tance to the State that it was difficult to deter- 
mine,which of the two merited the pre-eminence. 
In the fplendor of their birth, and the extent of 
their domains, the Guifes had the advantage. - 
In the favor of the King, the family of the Con- 
ftable was moft advanced, and faw itfelf at the 
TJI -^ head of affairs. Nature, which has eftablifhed in 
' , the univerfe a chain of being and univerfal or- 
. T"der, dcfcendinq; from Arch Ancrels to microfco- 

A, ?>tij /***- . 'ii^i j-j.i u- n. 

f- ft AxlP lc anima lcules, has ordained that no two oojects 
-Ihall be perfectly alike, and no two creatures per- 
fcclly equal. Although among men, all are fub- 


by nature to equal laivs of morality, and in 
ibciety have a right to equal laws for their gov- 
ernment, yet no two men are perfectly equal in 
perfon, property, underftanding, activity and vir- 
tueor ever can be made fo by any power lefs 
than that which created them ; and whenever 
k becomes difputable between two individuals, or 
families, which is the fuperior, a fermentation 
eommenceSjWhich difturbs the order of all things, 
until it is fettled, and each one knows his place 
in the opinion of the public. The queftion o 
fuperiority between the Guifes and Montmoren-#u 
cies had the ufual effects of fuch doubts. 
as nothing is lefs ftable than the fortune of cour- 
tiers, in ill-ordered governments, they both ex- 
perienced reverfes, towards the end of the reign 
of Francis the Ift. That jealoufy, which never 
has an end, becaufe it is always well founded, 
which reigns in every government, where every 
pailion and every intereft has not its correfpon- 
dent counterpoife, actuated the King. The two 
minifters not being fubjecl to any regular plan of 
relponilbility, were become dangerous rivals of 
their mailer : their enemies knew how to iniin- 
uate fufpicions. The Conftable fell into difgrace 
for having perfuaded the King to truft the pro- 
mifes of Charles the Vth. and to grant him a free 
paiTage through France, as he went- to chaftife 
the rebellion of Ghent, The Emperor not keep. 
ing his engagements, the King and the court ac- 
cuied the Conftable of having failed, either in 
prudence or fidelity. He was obliged to leave 
the court and return to private life, to conceal 
liimfelf from the purfuits of his enemies. The 
Duke of Guife was alfo conftrained to quit the 
court and give way to the ftorm, for having in- 


i / 



curred the difpleafure of the King, by caufingt& 
be raifed upon the frontiers, without his confent, 
certain troops, which he fent to the Duke of 
Lor rain, his brother, at that time at war with the 

The Conftable, and the Duke of Guife, thus 
difgraced, were replaced by two minifters ofcon- 
fummate experience, indefatigable induftry, and 
ac knowledged abilities ; the Admiral D'Anne- 
baut and the Cardinal de Tournon. The medi- 
ocrity of their fortune and extraction, excited 
little apprehenfion, that they would ever arrive, 
at that high power, of which the King had reafon 
to be jealous, and which he dreaded in the hands 
of his fubjecb.. This Prince, who undcrftood 
mankind, and was become unquiet and fufpicious 
fmce his difgraces, had long refolved to difmifs 
from his peribn, the Conftable and the Duke, 
notwithstanding the long confidence with which 
he had honored them ; believing that he mould 
not be able to govern, according to his own 
mind, while he mould have about him two per- 
fons, whofe credit and reputation were capable 
of balancing his will. He dreaded in the Con- 
ftable that profound experience, and that lively 
penetration, from which he could not conceal his 
moft hidden fecrets. Every thing was to him 
fufpicious in the Guifes, Their illuftrious birth, 
their reftlefs humor, their active genius, that ar- 
dent character to embrace every occaiion to ag- 
grandize themfelves, and that ambition capable 
of forming projects the moft vaft and daring. As 
the judicial courts had no independence, and 
there was no regular judicature for impeach- 
ments, there could be no rational refponfibility. 
The King could inflict none but arbitrary punifh- 
rnents j there was no tribunal, but the States 




General and their committees, and among thefe 
the minifters had as many friends as the King. 
The minifters therefore thought themfelves, and 
as the conilitution then ftood, they really were, 
fo nearly equal to the King in power, that they 
might do as they pleafed with impunity. They 
preiumed too far, and the King was juftly of- 
fended : but had no remedy, but in the afFafTina- 
tion or difmifiion of his minifters he chofe the 
latter ; though in the fequel we fliall fee many 
inftances, in iimilar cafes, of the former : In the 
laft years of his life, this monarch, if we may call 
by that name a Prince who was in efFecl, nothing 
more than the firft individual in a miferable oli- 
garchy, fecretly recommended to Prince Henry 
his fon, to diftruft the exceffive power of his 
fubjecls, and efpecially of the houfe of Guife, 
whofe elevation would infallibly difturb the re- 
pofe of the kingdom. Francis now fawand felt, 
that the houfe of Guife was become, as the houfe 
of Bourbon had been before, a dangerous rival 
of the houfe of Valois. 

Ambition, difappointed and difgraced by a 
King, commonly becomes obfequious to the 
heir apparent, or oftenfible fucceHbr. In 1547, /^** 
Henry the fecond, the fucceffor of Francis the Hthrif 2. 
firft, difregarding the advice and example of his c^ ^ ^r 
father, diimiffed from his court and fervice, the 
Admiral and Cardinal, though poilefTed of his 
iccrets of the ftate ; and placed again at the 
head of affairs, the Conftable Anne of Montmo-^<W *< 
rency, and Francis of Lorrain, fon of Claud 
Duke of Guife, who foon engaged the confidence 
of the young King, and regulated every thing at 
his court. Their authority was equal : But, as 
kas been once obferved, nature has decreed, that 

a p erf eft 


a psrfcfl equality Jhall never long exift between anj 
two mortals. The views, the conduct and the 
characters of the two minifters, were unlike in 
all things. The Conftable advanced in years, 
was naturally fond of peace: Formed by a long ex- 
perience in the art of government, he enjoyed 
an high reputation for wifdom, and held the firft 
place in the conduct of affairs of ftate. TheDuke, 
in the flower of his age, captivated by an elevat- 
ed genius and fprightly wit, united with a ro- 
buft confutation and a noble figure, the affec- 

Cj * 

tions of the King. Henry treated him, almoft 
as his equal ; admitted him to his converfations, 
his pleasures, and thofe exercifes of the body 
which were fuitable to his age and inclination. 
His affection for the Conftable, was rather ven- 
eration : His attachment to the Duke was fa- 
miliarity. The conduct of the two favourites 
was very different ; the one an enemy of all 
mow. urged with a certain feverity, from which 
age is feldom exempted, the neceility of econo- 
my. He even oppofed the profufion of the 
Prince. His auftere virtue infpired a contempt 
for foreigners, and rendered him little felicitous 
for the affection of the French. The Duke of 
Guife, affable and popular, gained by his liberal- 
ities and politenefs, the hearts of the people and 
the foldiers. With a generous warmth, he pro- 

O *- 

tected the unfortunate, and conciliated the eileem 
of ftrangers. 

Inclinations and conduct fo oppofite, foon pro- 
^'^duced jealouiies, between the two minifters, e- 
qually beloved of the King. To infmuate them- 
ielves further into the royal graces, and make 
themfelves maftcrs of his favors, they exerted all 
their ikiil, addrcfs and efforts. Their emulation 



ambition were Simulated by their ncarcft 
relations, and private friends. The Conftable 
was irritated by his Nephew Gafpard de CV/e/z/, 
Lord of Chatillon, who had fucceeded to "the hatitlcn. 
Admiral D'Annebaut, and who was not lefs dif-*/*"/^^ ** *"' <' 
tinguimed for his policy, than eminent for va!-V. /. 
or. The Duke of Guife was animated, by the 
Cardinal Charles of Lorrain, his brother, who 
united the fplendor of the Roman purple, to a 

noble figure, profound erudition and uncommon 


Hence forward the daemon of rivalry, haunt- 
cd the two houfes of Guife and Montmorency : 
and fortune did not fail to open a v % aft career, to 
the animated emulation of the two competitor 


No. 4, 

C'eft la le propre de 1'efprit humain, que les examples ne J'antt-ndU, 
corrigent perfonne ; les fottifes des peres font perdues pour 
leurs enfans ; il faut que chaque generation fafie les fienncs.: x /'T'^' v '" ^ 

'LET us now attempt a performance of the 
promifc at the clofe of our firft number : Men, 
in their primitive conditions, however favage, 
were undoubtedly gregarious and they conti- 
nue to be focial, not only in every ftage of civiliza- 
tion, but in every poffible fituation in which they 
can be placed. As nature intended them for focie- 
ty, (he has furniflied them with paliions, appetites, 
and propeniities, as well as a variety of faculties, 
calculated both for their individual enjoyment, 
and to render them ufeful to each other in theix* 
focial connections. There is none among them 

D more 


j moreefTential or remarkable, than the pafflon for 
* dijlinttkn. A defire to be obferved, coniidered, 
efteemed, praifed, beloved, and admired by his 
fellows, is one of the earlieft, as well as keeneft 
difpofitions difcovered in the heart of man. If 
any one fhould doubt the exiftence of this pro- 
penfity, let him go and attentively obferve the 
journeymen, and apprentices in the firft work- 
ihop, or the oarfmen in a cockboat a family or 
a neighbourhood the inhabitants of ahoufe, or 
the crew of a fhip a fchool or a college a city, 
or a village a favage, or civilized people an 
hofpital, or a church the bar, or the exchange 
a camp, or a court. Wherever men, women 
or children, are to be found, whether they be old 
or young rich or poor high or low wife or 
foolifh ignorant or learned every individual is 
feen to be ftrongly actuated by a delire to be feen, 
heard, talked of, approved and refpected by the 
people about him-, and within his knowledge. 

Moral writers have, by immemorial ulage, A 
right to make a free ufe of the poets. 

The love cf praife, howe'er conceaPd by art, 

Reigns more or lefs, and glows in every heart ; 

The proud to gain it, toils on toils endure, 

The modeft flum it, but to make it fure. 

O'er globes and fceptres, now on thrones it fwells, 

Now, trims the midnight lamp in college cells. 

'TJs tory, whig it plots, prays, preaches, pleads, 

H;>rrvingnes in Senates, fqueaks in mafquerades j 

It aids the dancer's heel, the writer's head, 

And heaps the plain with mountains of the dead ; 

Nor ends with life ; but nods in fable plumes 

Adorns our he'rfe, and flatters on our tombs. ty*^-*^. 

A resrard to the fentiments of mankind con- 


cerning him, and to their difpofitions towards 
him, every man feels within himfelf; and if he 
has reflected, and tried experiments, he has 



round, that no exertion of his rcafon no effort 
of his will, can wholly divert him of it. In pro- 
portion to our affection for the notice of others 
is our averfion to their neglect ; the flronger the 
defirc of the eftcem of the public,the more power- 
ful the averfion to their difapprobation the more 
exalted the wiih for admiration, the more invin- 
cible the abhorrence of contempt. Every man 
not only defires the confideration of others, but 
he frequently compares himfelf with others, his 
friends or his enemies, and in proportion as he 
exults when he perceives that he has more of it, 
than they, he feels a keener affliction when he 
fees that one or more of them, are more refpecr- 
ed than himfelf. 

This paflion, while it is (imply a defire to excel 
another, by fair induftry in the fearch of truth, 
and the practice of virtue, is properly called Em- 
illation. When it aims at power, as a means of 
distinction, it is Amhtion. When it' is in a fitua- .^ 
tion to fuggeft the fentiments of fear and appre- 
henfion, that another, who is now inferior, will 
become fupcrior, it is denominated Jealoufy. j 
When it is in a ftate of mortification, at the fu- 
pcricrity of another, and defires to bring him 
down to our level, or to deprefs him below us, 
it is properly called Envy. When it deceives a 
man into a belief of falfe profeilions of efteem or 
admiration, or into a falie opinion of his impor- 
tance in the judgment of the world, it is Vanity, 
Thefe obfervations alone would be fufficient to 
{hew, that this propeniity, in all its branches, is. a 
principal fource of the virtues and vices, the hap- 
pineis and mifery of human life ; and that the 
hiftory of mankind is little more than a fimp/e 
narration of its operation and effects, 




There is in human nature, it is true, fimpls 
Benevolence or an affection for the good of 
others but alone it is not a ballance for the feU 
f.fh affections. Nature then has kindly added 
to benevolence, the deiire of reputation, in order 
to make us good members of fociety. Speftemur 
agenda expreiles the great principle of activity for 
the good of others. Nature has fanctioned the 
law of felf-prefervation by rewards and punifh- 
ments. The rewards of felfifh activity are life 
and health the punifhments of negligence and 
indolence are want, difeafe and death. Each 
individual, it is true, mould confider, that nature 
has enjoined the fame law on his neighbour, and 
therefore a refpect for the authority of nature 
would oblige him to refpect the rights of others 
as much as his own. But reafoning as abftrufe, 
though as fimple as this, would not occur to all 
men. The fame nature therefore has impofed 
another law, that of promoting the good, as well 
as refpecting the rights of mankind, and has 
fanctioned it by other rewards and punifhments. 
The rewards in this cafe,in this life, are ejleem and 
admiration of others the punifhments are neglect 
and contempt nor may any one imagine that 
thefe are not as real as the others. The deiire of 
the efteem of others is as real a want of nature as 
hunger and the neglect and contempt of the 
world as fevere a pain, as the gout or ftone. It 
fooner and often er produces defpair, and a detef- 
tation of exiftence- of equal importance to indi- 
viduals, to families, and to rations. It is a prin- 
cipal end of government to regulate this pailion, 
which in its turn becomes a principal means of 
government. It is the only adequate inftrument 
of order and fubordination in fociety, and alone 



commands effectual obedience to laws, fmce with- 
out it neither human realbn, nor Handing armies, ' 
would ever produce that great effect. Every 
perfonal quality, and every blefling of fortune, is 
cheriflied in proportion to its capacity of gratify- 
ing this univerfal affection for the efteem, the 
fympathy,admiration and congratulations of the 
public. Beauty in the face, elegance of figure, 
grace of attitude and motion, riches, honors, 
every thing is weighed in the fcale, and defired, 
not fo much for the pleafure they afford, as the 
attention they command. As this is a point of 
great importance, it may be pardonable to expa- 
tiate a little, upon thefe particulars. 

"Why are the perfonal accomplilhments of beau- 
ty, elegance and grace, held in fuch high eftima- 
tion by mankind ? Is it merely for the pleafure 
\vhichis received from .the fight of thefe attri- 
butes ? By no means : The taile for fuch delicacies 
is not univerfal in thofe who feel the moil live- 
ly fenfe of them, it is but a flight fenfation, and 
of fliortelt continuance ; but thofe attractions 
command the notice and attention of the public 
they draw the eyes of fpectators : This is the 
charm that makes them irreftilible. Is it for 
fuch fading perfections that an hufband or a wife 
is chofen ? Alas, it is well known, that a very 
fhort familiarity, totally deftroys all fenfe and 
attention to fuch properties ; and on the contra- 
ry, a very little time and habit deftroys all the 
averilon to uglinefs and deformity, when unat- 
tended with difeafe or ill-temper : Yet beauty 
and addrefs are courted and admired, very often, 
more than difcretion, wit, fenfe, and many other 
accomplishments and virtues, of infinitely more 
importance to the happinefs of private life, as 



well as to the utility and ornament of focietyv 
Is it for the momentous purpofe of dancing and 
drawing, painting and mufic, riding or fencing, 
that men and women are deftined in this life or 
any other ? Yet thofe who have the beft means 
of education, beftow more attention and expenfe 
on thofe, than on more folid acquiiitions. Why ? 
Becaufe they attract more forcibly the attention 
of the world, and procure a better advancement 
in life. Notwithstanding all this, as foon as an 
eflablimment in life is made, they are found to 
have anfwered their end, and are laid afide ne- 

^ s t ^ iere an 7 tnm g ' in birth, however illuftri- 
ous or fplendid, which mould make a difference 
between one man and another ? If, from a com- 
mon anceftor, the whole human race is defcen- 
ded, they are all of the fame family. How then 
can they dhlinguim families into the more or the 
lefs ancient ? What advantage is there in an il- 
luftration of an hundred or a thoufand years ? 
Of what avail are all thefe hiftories, pedigrees, 
traditions ? What foundation has the whole fci- 
ence of genealogy and heraldry ? Are there dif- 
ferences in the breeds of men, as there are in 
thofe of horfes ? If there are not, thefe fciences 
have no foundation m reafon in prejudice they 
have a very folid one : All that philofophy can 
fay is, that there is a general prelumption, that 
a man has had fome advantages of education, if 
he is of a family of note. But this advantage 
muft be derived from his father and mother 
chiefly, if not wholly ; of what importance is it 
then, in this view, whether the family is twen- 
ty venerations upon record, or only two ? 



The mighty fecret lies in this : An illuftrLous 
defccnt attracts the notice of mankind. A fin- 
gle drop of royal blood, however illegitimately 
Scattered, will make any man or woman proud 
or vain. Why ? Becaufe, although it excites 
the indignation of many, and the envy of more, 
it (till attracts the attention of the world. Noble 
blood, whether the nobility be hereditary or 
elective, and indeed more in republican govern- 
ments than in monarchies, leaft of all in defpo- 
tifms, is held in eftimation for the fame reafon. 
It is a name and a race that a nation has been 
interested in, and is in the habit of reflecting. 
Benevolence, fympathy, congratulation, have 
been fo long ailbciated to thofe names in the 
minds of the people, that they are become na- 
tional habits. National gratitude defcends from 
the father to the fon, and is often flronger to the 
latter than the former : It is often excited by re- 
morfe, upon reflection on the ingratitude and in- 
juftice with which the former has been treated. 
When the names of a certain family are read in 
all the gazettes, chronicles, records, and hiftories 
of a country for five hundred years, they become 
known, refpected, and delighted in by every bo- 
dy. A youth, a child of this extraction, and 
bearing this name, attracts the eyes and ears of 
all companies long before it is known or enquir- 
ed, whether he be a wife man, or a fool. His 
name is often a greater diftinction, than a title, a 
ftar, or a garter. This it is which makes fo ma- 
ny men proud, and fo many others envious of il- 
luftrious defcent. The pride is as irrational and 
contemptible as the pride of riches, and no more. 
A wife man will lament that any other diftinc- 
ticn than that of merit mould be made. A good 



man, will neither be proud nor vain of his birth 5 
but will earneitly improve every advantage he 
has for the public good. A cunning man will 
carefully conceal his pride ; but will indulge it 
in fecret, the more effectually, and improve his 
advantage to greater profit. But was any man 
ever known fo wife, or fo good, as really to def- 
pife birth or wealth ? Did you ever read of a 
man riling to public notice, from obfcure begin- 
ings,who was not reflected on ? Although with ev- 
ery liberal mind, it is an honor, and a proof of 
merit, yet it is a difgrace with mankind in gene- 
ral. What a load of fordid obloquy and envy 
has every fuch man to carry ? The contempt 
that is thrown upon obfcurity of anceftry aug- 
ments the eagernefs for the flupid adoration 
that is paid to its illuftration. 

This deiire of the coniideration of our fellow- 
men, and their congratulations in our joys, is 
not lefs invincible, than the defire of t'leir fym- 
pathy in our forrows. It is a determination of 
our nature thatlies at the foundation of ourwhole 
moral fyftem in this world, and may be connect- 
ed effentially with our deftination in a future 
ftate. Why do men purfue riches ? What is the 
end of avarice ? Thefe queilions maybe anfwer- 
edin our next. 

No. 5. 

O furexir de fe diftinguer, que ne pouvez vous point ! 

THE labour and anxiety, the enterprizes, and 
adventures, that are voluntarily undertaken in 
purfuit of gain, are out of all proportion to the 



utility, convenience or pleafure of riches. A 
competence to fatisfy the wants of nature, food 
and cloaths, a flicker from the feafons, and the 
comforts of a family, may be had for very little. 
The daily toil of the million, and of millions o 
millions, is adequate to a complete fupply of thefe 
iieceffities and conveniences. With fuch accom- 
modations thus obtained, the appetite is keener, 
the digeftion more eafy and perfect, and repofe 
is more refrefhing, than among the moil abun- 
dant fuperlluities and the rarell luxuries. For 
what reafbn then, are any mortals averfe to the 
fituation of the farmer, mechanic or labourer ? 
Why do we tempt the feas, and encompafs the 
globe ? Why do any men affront heaven and 
earth, to accumulate wealth, which will forever 
be ufelefs to them ? Why do we make an often- 
tatious difplay of riches ? Why mould any man 
be proud of his purfe, houfes, lands, or gardens ? 
or in better words, why mould the rich man 
glory in his riches ? What connection can there 
be between wealth and pride ? 

The anf\ver to all thefe queflions is, beca- . 
riches attract the attention, confederation and con^r\:. -- 
I'.latiom of mankind ; it is not becaufe the rich 
have really more of eafe or pleafure than the 
poor. Riches force the opinion on aman that he is 
the object of the congratulations of others ; and 
he feels that they attract the complaifance of the 
public. His fenfes all inform him that his neigh- 
bors have a natural difpofition to harmonize 
with all thofe pleating emotions^ and agreeabfe 
fenfations, which the elegant accommodations 
around him are fuppofed to excite. 

His imagination expands,and his heart dilates at 

thefe charming illulions : and his attachment to 

s his 


his poffeffions increafes, as fail as his defire to ac- 
cumulate more : not for the purpofes of benefi- 
cence or utility, but from the defire of illuftra- 

Why, on the other hand, {hould any man be a- 
fhamed to make known his poverty? Why fhould 
thofe who have been rich, or educated in the hou- 
fes of the rich, entertain fuch an averlion, or be 
agitated with fuch terror, at the profpect of lof- 
Ing their property ? Or of being reduced to live 
at an humbler table ? In a meaner houfe ? To 
walk inftead of riding ? Or to ride without their 
accuftomed equipage or retinue ? Why do we 
hear of madnefs, melancholy, and fuicides, upon 
bankruptcy, lofs of mips, or any other fudden fall 
from opulence to indigence, or mediocrity ? Afk 
your reafon, what difgrace there can be in pov- 
erty ? What moral fentiment of approbation, 
praife or honor can there be in a palace ? What 
difhonor in a cottage ? What glory in a coach, 
what fhame in a waggon ? Is not the fenfe of 
propriety, and fenfe of merit, as much connected 
with an empty purfe, as a full one ? May not a 
man be as eftimable, amiable and refpeclable, at- 
tended by his faithful dog, as if preceded and 
followed by a train of horfes and fervants ? AH 
thefe queftions may be very wife ; and the ftoical 
philofophy has her anfwers ready. But if you afk 
the fame queftions of nature, experience, and 
mankind, the anfwers will be directly oppofite to 
thofe of Epiffetus, viz. that there is more refpec- 
tability in the eyes of the greater part of man- 
kind, in the gaudy trappings of wealth, than 
there is in genius or learning, wifdom or virtue. 

The poor man's confidence is clear ; yet he is 
aihamed. Hi* character is irreproachable, yet 



he is neglected and defpifed. He feels himfelf 
out of the fight of others, groping in the dark. 
Mankind take no notice of him : he rambles 
and wanders unheeded. In the midit of a, 
croud, at church, in the market, at a play, at an 
execution or coronation, he is in as much obfcu- 
rity, as he would be in a garret or a cellar. He 
is not difapproved, cenfured or reproached : he 
is only not fcen. This total inattention is to 
him, mortifying, painful and cruel. He fuffers 
a mifery from this confideration, which is fhar- 
pened by the confcioumefs that others have no 
fellow feeling with him in this diftrefs. If you 
follow thefe perfons,however,into their fcenes of 
life, you will find that there is a kind of figure 
which the meaneft of them all, endeavors to make; 
a kind of little grandeur and refpect, which the 
moft inflgnificant ftucly and labour to procure, 
in the fmall circle of their acquaintances. Not 
only the pooreft mechanic, but the man who 
lives upon common charity, nay the common 
beggars in the ftreets ; and not only thofe who 
may be all innocent, but even thofe who have 
abandoned themfelves to common infamy as pi- 
rates, highwaymen and common thieves, court 
a fet of admirers, and plume themfelves on that 
fuperiority, which they have, or fancy they SWe, 
over fome others. There muft be one indeed 
who is the laft and loweft of the human fpecies. 
But there is no rifk in afierting that there is no 
one, who believes and will acknowledge himfelf 
to be the man. To be wholly overlooked and 
to know it, are intolerable. Inftances of this are 
not uncommon. When a wretch could no lon- 
ger attract the notice of a man, woman or child, 
he muft be refpectable in the eyes of his dog.-* 
" Who will love me then :" was the pathetic re- 

P 1 / 


ply of one, who ilarved himfclf to feed his mas- 
tiff, to a charitable paffenger who advifed him to 
kill or fell the animal. In this " isjko 'will love me 
then" there is a key to the human heart to the 
hiftory of human life and manners and to the rife 
and fall of Empires. To feel ourfelves unheed- 
ed, chills the moft pleafing hope damps the 
moft fond delire checks the moil agreeable 
wifh difappoints the moft ardent expectations 
of human nature. 

\ Is there in fcience and letters, a reward for the 

^' labor they require ? Scholars learn the dead lan- 
guages of antiquity, as well as the living tongues 
of rncdern nations. Thofe of the eaft as well 
as the weft. They puzzle themfelves and 
others with metaphyiics and mathematics. They 
renounce their pleasures, neglect their exercifes, 
and deflroy their health : For what ? Is curiofi- 
ty fo ftrong ? Is the pleafure that accompanies 
the purfuit and acquisition of knowledge fo ex- 
quilite ? If Critfoe, on his ifland, had the library 
of Alexandria, and a certainty that he Ihould nev- 
er again fee the face of man, would he ever open 
a volume ? Perhaps he might ; but it is very prob- 
able he would read but little. A fenfe of duty ; 
a, love of truth ; a defire to alleviate the anxie- 
ties of ignorance, may, no doubt, have an influ- 
ence on fome minds. But the univerfal object 
and idol of men of letters is reputation. It is the 
notoriety, the celebration, which conilitutes the 
charm, vdiich is to compenfate the lofs of appe- 
tite and fleep, and fometimes of riches and hon- 

The fame ardent defire of the congratulations of 
ethers in our joys, is the great incentive to the 
purfuit of honors. -This might be exemplified in 



the career of civil and political life. That we 
may not be too tedious, let us inftance in milita- 
ry glory. 

Is it to be fuppofed that the regular ftanding 
armies of Europe, engjaq-e in the fervice, from 

- e Pr * i a- 

pure motives or patnotiim ? Are their omcers 
men of contemplation and devotion, who expect 
their reward in a future life ? Is it from a fenfe 
of moral, or religious duty, that they rilk 
their lives, and reconcile themfeives to wounds ? 
Inftances of all thefe kinds may be found. But 
if any one fuppofes that all, or the greater part 
of thefe heroes, are actuated by fuch principles, 
he will only prove that he is una^qainted with 
them. Can their pay be confidered as an ade- 
quate encouragement ? This, which is no more 
than a very fimple and moderate fubfiftence, 
would never be a temptation to renounce the 
chances of fortune in other purfuits, together 
with the pleafures of domeftic life, and fubmit to 
thismoftdifficultand dangerous employment. No, 
it is the confideration and the chances of laurels, 
which they acquire by the fervice, 

The foldier compares himlelf with his fellows, 
and contends for promotion to be a Corporal : 
the Corporals vie with each other to be Sergeants: 
the Sergeants will mount breaches to be Enligns : 
and thus every man in an army is conftantly af- 
piring to be fomething higher, as every citizen 
in the commonwealth is conftantly ftruggling for 
a better rank, that he may draw the oblervation 
of more eyes. 


No. 6. 

Such bribes the rapid Greek o'er Afia hurl'd ; 
For fuch, the fteady Romans (hook the world. 

A city or a village, little employments and 
trifling diilinctions are contended for with equal 
eagernefs, as honors and offices in common- 
wealths and kingdoms. 

, What is it that bewitches mankind to marks 

// rirA5, and figns ? A Ribbon ? A Garter ? A Star ? A gol- 
den Key ? A Marfhall's Staff ? Or a white hick"- 
ory Stick ? Though there is in fuch frivolities, as 
thefe, neither profit nor pleafure, nor any thing 
amiable, eftimable or refpectable ; yet experience 
teaches us, in every country of the world, they 
attract the attention of mankind more than parts 
or learning, virtue or religion. They are there- 
fore fought with ardor, very often, by men pof- 
feffed in the mofl eminent degree, of all the more 
folid advantages of birth and fortune, merit and 
fervices, with the beft faculties of the head, and 
the moil engaging recommendations of the heart. 
a >n e, Fame has been divided into three fpecies : Glo- 
ry, which attends the great actions of lawgivers 
and heroes, and the management of the great 
commands and firft offices of State : Reputation, 
which is cherifhed by every gentleman : and Cre* 
f , ~j, dit, which is fupported by merchants and tradef- 
^ * men. But even this divifion is incomplete, becaufc 

the defire andtheobjectof it,thoughit may be con- 
lidered in various lights,and under different mod*, 
ifications, is not confined to gentlemen nor mer- 
chants, but is common to every human being. 
There are no men, who are not ambitious of dif- 
tinguiihjng themfelves, and growing confidera- 


ble among thofe, with whom they converfe.-- 
This ambition is natural to the human foul : and 
as when it receives a happy turn, it is the fource 
of private felicity and public profperity ; and 
when it errs, produces private uneafinefs and 
public calamities. It is the bufmefs and duty of 
private prudence,of private and public education, 
and of national policy, to direct it to right ob- 
jects. For this purpofe it mould be confidered, 
that to every man who is capable of a worthy 
conduct, the pleafure from the approbation of 
\vorthy men is exquiiite and inexpreffible, 

It is curious to confider the final caufes o 
things, when the phyfical are wholly unknown. 
The intellectual and moral qualities, are moft 
\vithin our power, and undoubtedly the moft ef- 
fential to our happinefs. The perfonal qualities 
of health, ftrength, and agility, are next in im- 
portance. Yet, the qualities of fortune, fuch as 
birth, riches, and honors, though a man has lefs 
reafon to efteem himfelf for thele, than for thofe 
of his mind or body, are, every where acknow- 
ledged, to glitter with the brighteft luftre, in the 
eyes of the world. 

As virtue is the only rational fource, and eter- 
jial foundation of honor, the wifdom of nations, 
in the titles they have eilablifhed as the marks of 
order and fubordination, has generally given an 
intimation, not of perfonal qualities, nor of the 
qualities of fortune ; but of fome particular vir- 
tues, more efpecially becoming men., in the high 
ftations they poitefs. Reverence is attributed to 
the Clergy veneration to {Vlagiftrates honor 
to Senators ferenity, clemency, or mildnefs of 
difpoiition to Princes. The fovereign authority 
and iupreme executive, have commonly titles 



that defignate power as well as virtue as 
ty to Kings magnificent, moft honored, and 
fovereign Lords, to the government of Geneva 
noble mightinefTcs to the States of Friefland 
noble and mighty Lords to the States of Guel- 
derland noble great and venerable Lords to the 
regency of Ley den noble and grand mighti- 
neffes to the States of Holland noble great and 
venerable Lords, the regency of Amsterdam no- 
ble mightinefles, the States of Utrecht and high 
mightineffes the States General. 

A death bed, it is faid, {hews the emptine.fs of 
titles. That may be. But does it not equally 
ftiew the futility ot ricliefs, power,liberty, and all 
earthly things ? The cloucl-capt towers, the gor- 
geous palaces, the folemn temples, the great globe 
itfelf, appear the bafelefs fabric of a viiion, and 
life itfelf a tale, told by an ideot, full of found 
and fury, fignifying nothing. Shall it be infer- 
red from this, that fame, liberty, property and 
life, mall be always defpifed and neglected ? Shall 
laws and government, which regulate fublunary 
things be neglected, becaufe they appear baubles 
at the hour of death ? 

The wifdom and virtue of all nations have en- 
deavored to regulate the paffion for refpecl and 
diftinction, and to reduce it to fome order in fo- 
ciety, by titles marking the gradations of magif- 
tracy, to prevent, as far as human power and po- 
licy can prevent, collifions among the paflions of 
many purming the fame objects, and the rival- 
ries, animofities, envy, jealoufy and vengeance, 
which always refult from them. 

Has there ever been a nation, who underftood 

' <ri/ .the human heart, better than the Romans ? Or 

made a better ufe of the pafiion, for confidera- 



tion, congratulation and diftincHon ? They con- 

fidered, that as reafon is the guide of Hie, the 

fcnfe:--, t'l? imagination and the -ilicc'tions are the 

fprings of activity. Re ifoi holds the heiri, but 

pafllons are the gales : and as the direct mid * 

to thefe is through the fcnics, the language of 

figns was employed by Roman v/if Join to ex- 

cite the emulation and active virtue of the citi- 

zens. D,ftinli';)is of condition?, as well as of ages, 

were made by difference of cloathing. The Lat-*/ 

iclave, or large flowing Robe, ftudded with 

broad fpot; t.-/ purple, the ancient diftinction of 

their Kings, was, after the eftabiifhment of the 

Confuh-.e, worn by the Senators, through the 

whole period of the Republic and the Empire. 

The Tribunes of the people, were, after their In- 

fHtution, admitted to wear the fame venerable 

fignal of fanctity and authority. The An^ufti- 

clave, or the fmaller robe, with narrower ihids 

of purple, was the diftingulfhing habit of Roman. 

Knights* The golden Ring was alib peculiar to 

Senators and Knights, and was not permitted to 

be worn .by any other citizens. The Praetext, or 

long white Robe reaching down to the ancles, 

bordered with purple, which was worn by the 

principal Magiilrates, fuch as Confuls, Praetors, 

Cenfors and fometimes on folemn feftivals, by 

Senators. The chairs of ivory ; the lictors ^ J 

the rods ; the axes ; the crowns of gold ; of i- 

vory ; of flours ; of herbs ; of laurel branches 5 

and of oak-leaves ; the civil and the mural Ju^r^ J'/erv^-t ^ 

crowns ; their ovations ; and their triumphs jc/^v<J-//i A*X ^<.c 

everything in religion, government and com- ^' t/l > V 

* * * 

mon life, arnongr the Romans, was parade, repre- / f . 

r i r> i ' ' ' ' ^ 

ientation and ceremony, hvery thing was ad- 
drefled to the emulation of the citizens, and'ev- 

? ery 


i k, J l *4 cry thing was calculated to attract the attention* 
U 6/)W^ to a ^ ure tne confideration, and excite the con- 

o-ratulations of the people ; to attach their hearts 

* t .,..,,.. ,. , . 

^ to individual citizens according to their merit ; 


v l - and to their lawgivers, magiftrates, and judges, 

l\itr*f> $*tcnrU> according to their ranks, ftations and importance 
r { in the State. And this was in the true fpirit of 

T>. . Lf. 4 ^J) (n^* **& T - i-ir r ^i- 

republics, in which form or government there is 

'Aa.-/-J avt no other coniiilent method of preferving order, 

>t<^c c.xhi~*iu< or procuring fubmiffion to the laws. To fuch 

A, ^, f^vn< means as thefe, or to force, and a (landing army, 

*. _ , recourfe muft be had, for the guardianfhip of 

jtnrf A*t/-*.ttty /* laws, and the protection of the people. Itisuni- 

verfally true, that in all the Republics now re- 
maining in Europe, there is, as there ever has 
been, a more conitant and anxious attention to 
fuch forms and marks of diftinctions, than there 
is in the Monarchies. 

The policy oi" Rome was exhibited in its high* 
c ^ perfe&ic 111 ? in the triumph of Paulus Emilliu* 
over Perfeus. It was a ftriking exemplification 
of congratulation and fympathy, contrafted with 
each other. Congratulation with the conqueror : 
fympathy with the captive : both fuddenly 
changed into fympathy with the conqueror. 
The description* of this triumph, is written 
with a pomp of language correfpondent to its 
dazzling magnificence. The reprefentation of 
the King, and his children, muft excite the pity 
of every reader who is not animated with the fe- 
rocious fentiments of Roman infolence and pride. 
Never was there a more moving leiibn of the 
melancholy lot of humanity, than the contrafled 
fortunes of the Macedonian and the Roman. 
The one tlivefted of his crown and throne, led in 
chains, with his children before his chariot 



the other, blazing in gold and purple, to the cap- 

itol. This inftructive leffon is given us by the 

victor himfelf, in a fpeech to the people. " My 

" triumph, Romans, as if it had been in deriiion 

" of all human felicity, has been interpofed be- 

" twecn the funerals of my children, and both 

" have been exhibited, as fpecbicles, before you. 

" Perfeus, who, himfelf a captive, faw his chll- 

" dren led with him in captivity, now enjoys 

" them in fafety. I, who triumphed over him, 

" having afcended the capitol, from the funeral 

" chariot of one of my ions, defcended from 

" that capitol, to fee another expire. In the / /K/?/ ^71 

*' houfe ofPaulus none remains but himfelf. But ^P*^*- 

*' your felicity, Romans, and the profperous forw 
" tune of the public, is aconfolation to me under J^^ 
" this deftruftion of my family." 

It is eafy to fee how fuch a fcene muft operate 
on the hearts of a nation : how it muft affecl the 
paflion for diftinction : and how it muft excite 
the ardor and virtuous emulation of the citizens. 

No. 7. 

The Senate's thanks, the Gazette's pompous talc, 
With force refiftlels, o'er the brave prevail. 
This power has praife, that Virtue icarce can warm, 
Till fame fupplies the univerfal charm. Jc&nJ0H. 

THE remit of the prcceeding difcourfes is, 
that avarice and ambition, vanity and pride, 
jealoufy and envy, hatred and revenge, as well 
as the love of knowledge and defire of fame are 



very often nothing more than various modifica* 
tionsofthat defireofthe attention, confidera- 
tion and congratulations of our fellow men, 
which is the great fpring of focial activity , that 
all Tiicn compare tbemfelves with others, efpe- 
ciaily thofe with whom they moil frequently 
converfe ; thofe, \vho, by their employments or 
Limufements, profcilions or offices, prefent them- 
felves moil frequently, at the fame time to the 
view and thoughts of that public, little or great, 
to which every man is known, that emulations 
and rivalries naturally, and neceffarily are excited 
by fuch companions ; that the mofl heroic ac- 
tions iruwar, the fublimeft virtues in peace, and 
the moft ufefcl induilry in agriculture,"arts, man- 
ufactures and commerce, proceed from fuch ernu- 
huiors, on the one hand, and iealouiies, envy, 
cr.iTiity, hatred, revenge, quarrels, factions, fedi- 
lions and wars, on the other. The final caufe of 
JpYina h this conftitutiop of things is eafy to difcover. 
ClLhv<t' ' "' '' ure ^ as ordained it, us a conftant incentive to 
activity and induilry, that, to acquire the atten- 
x-K&iu tion and cornphc :ercy, the approbation and ad- 
^TM-fc'^ miration of their fellows, men might be urged to 
'conftant exertions of beneficence. By this def- 
tination of their natures, men of all forts, even 
^^w*^ thofe who have the leaft of reafon, virtue or ben- 
evolence, are chained down to an inceifant fervi- 
tude to their fellow-creatures, labouring without 
iiUermiillon to produce fomething which mail 
contribute to the comfort, convenience, pleaiure, 
profit or utility of fome or other of the fpecies ; 
they are really thus conftituted by their own 
vanity, flaves to mankind. Slaves, I fay again : 
for what a folly is it ? On a felfiih fyftem, what 
zre the thoughts, paffions and fentiments of man- 





kind to us ? What is fame ? A fancied life, in 
others brcith. "What is it to us, what fliall be 
faid of us, after we are dead ? Or in Alia, Afri- 
ca, or Europe, while we live ? There is no great- 
er pofliUe or imaginable dclufion : yet the im- 
pulfe is irrefutable. i he language of nature to 
man in his conflitution ij this, tw I have given 
" you reafon, conscience, and benevolence : and 
thereby made you accountable for your actions, 
and capable of virtue, in which \ cu will find 
your higheit felicity. But 1 have not confid- 
ed wholly in your laudable improvement of 
thefe divine gifts. To them I have iupeiad- 
" ded a pailion in your bofoms, for the notice 
*' and regard of your fellow mortals, which, if 
^ you perverfely violate your duty, and wholly 
" neglect the part afligned you, in the f)ftem of 
" the world, and the iociety of mankind, fliall 
" torture you, from the cradle to the grave." 

Nature has taken effectual care of her own 
work. She has wrought the paffions into the 
texture and clTence of the foul and has not left 
it in the power of art to deftroy them. To re- 
gulate and not to eradicate them is the province 
of policy. It is of the higheil importance to edu- 
cation, to life and to fociety, not only that they 
fliould not be deftroyed, but that they fliould be 
gratified, encouraged, and arranged on the fide 
of virtue. To confine our obfervations at pre- 
fent to that great leading pailion of the foul, 
which has been fo long under our consideration : 
What clifcouragement, cliitrefs and defpair, have 
not been occasioned by its difappointment ? To 
confider one inflance, amqng many, which hip- 
pen continually in fchcols and colleges. Put a 
fuppofition of a pair of twin brothers, who have 



been nouriflied by the fame nurfe, equally en- 
couraged by their parents and preceptors, with 
equal genius, health and ftrcngth, purfuing their 
ftudies with equal ardor and fuccefs. One, is at 
length overtaken by fome ficknefs, and in a fe\r 
days the other, who efcapes the influenza, is ad- 
vanced fome pages before him. This alone will 
make the ftudies of the unfortunate chiJd,when 
he recovers his health, difguftful. As foon as he 
lofes the animating hope of pre-eminence, and is 
conftrained to acknowledge, a few others of hi* 
fourm or clafs, h's fuperiors, he becomes incapa- 
ble of induftrious application. Even the fear of 
the ferule or the rod, will after this be ineffectu- 
al, The terror of punimment, by forcing atten- 
tion, may compel a child to perform a tafk 
but can never infufe that ardor for ftudy, which 
alone can arrive at great attainments. Emula- 
tion really feems to produce genius, and the de- 
iire of fuperiority to create talents. Either- this, 
or the reverfe of it, muft be true ; and genius 
produces emulation, and natural talents, the de- 
lire of fuperiority for they are always found 
together, and what God and nature have united s 
let no audacious legiflator prefume to put afun- 
der. When the love of glory inkindies in the 
heart, and influences the whole foul, then, and 
only then, may we depend on a rapid progreffio.n 
of the intellectual faculties. The awful feeling 
i of a mortified emulation, is not peculiar to chil- 
'. dren. In an army, or a navy, fometimes the in- 
tereft of the fervice requires, and oftener perhaps 
Y private interefl and partial favor prevail, to pro* 
mote officers over their fuperiors, or feniors. > 
But the confequence is, that thofe officers can 
never ferve again together. They muft be dif- 



tlributed in different corps, or lent on different 
commands. Nor is this the worft effect : It al- 
moft univerfally happens, that the fuperceded 
officer feels his heart broken by his difgrace. 
His mind is enfeebled by grief, or difturbed by 
refentment and the inftances have been very 
rare, of any brilliant action performed by fuch, 
an officer. What a monument to this character ^ 

of human nature is the long lift of yellow Ad- IftU***- 
mirals in the Britifli fervice ! Confider the e 
feels of fimilar difappointments in civil affairs. 
Minifters of State, are frequently difplaced in all Jt** ^ 
countries and what is the confequence ? Are 
they feen happy in a calm refignation to their 
fate ? Do they turn their thoughts from their 
former employments, to private ftudies or bufi- 
jaefs ? Are they men of pleafant humour, and 
engaging converfation ? Are their hearts at eafe ? 
Or is their converiation a conftant effufion of 
complaints and murmurs, and their breaft the 
refidence of refentment and indignation, of 
grief and forrow, of malice and revenge ? Is it 
common to fee a man get the better of his am- 
bition, and defpife the honors he once poiTeffed j 
or is he commonly employed in projects upon 
projects, intrigues after intrigues, and manceu- 
vers on manceuvers to recover them ? So fweet 
and delightful to the human heart is that com- 
placency and admiration, which attends public 
offices, whether they are conferred by the favor 
of a Prince, derived from hereditary defcent,orob- 
tained by election of the people, that a mind muft 
be funk below the feelings of humanity, or exal- 
ted by religion or philofophy far above the com- 
mon character of men, to be infenfible, or to 
conquer its fcnfibility. Preteofign* tg fuch con- 



quefts are not uncommon ; but the fincerity of 
fuch pretenders is often rendered fufpicious, by 
their conftant converfation and conduct, and e- 
ven by their countenances. The people are fo 
fenlible of this, that a man in this predicament is 
always on the compaffionate lift, and, except in 
cafes of great refentmerit againft him for forae 
very unpopular principles or behavior, they are 
found to be always ftudying fome other office 
for a difappointed man, to confole him in his af- 
fliction. In fhort, the theory of Education, and 
the fcience of government, may be reduced to 
the fame fnnple principle, and be all comprehen- 
ded in the knowledge of the means of activity, 
conducting, controling and regulating the emu- 
lation and ambition of the citizens. 

No. 8, 

ri&ud <' 
u> CL** 

This mournful truth is every where confefs'^ 

Slow rlfes Worth by Poverty deprefs'd. 

IF we attempt to analyze our ideas ftill fur- 

ther, upon this fubject., we mall find, that the 

expredions we have hitherto ufed, attention, con- 

Jtderation and congratulation, comprehend with 

fu'ticient accuracy, the general object of the paf- 

lion for diftinction, in the greater part of man- 

-Y , kind. There are not a few, from him who burn- 

***'. tj cd a temple, to the multitudes who plunge into 

** low debauchery, who deliberately feek it by 

crimes and vices. The greater number, howev- 

er, fearch for it, neither by vices nor virtues : 

But by the means, which common fenfe and ev- 




evy diy's experience fhows, arc moft fure to ob- 
tain it ; by riclies, by family records, by play, 
and other frivolous perfonal accompliiliments. 
But there are a few, and God knows but a few, 
who aim at fomething more : They aim at ap- 
probation as well as attention ; at eileem as well 
as confideration ; and at admiration and grati- 
tude, as well as congratulation. Admiration is 
indeed the complete idea of approbation, congrat- 
tilation,and wonder united. This laii defcription 
of perions is the tribe out of which proceeds 
your patriots and heroes, and mod of the great 
benefactors to mankind. But for our humilia- 
tion, we mull (till remember, that even in thefe . 
cfteemed/ beloved and adored characters, the 
pafiion, although refined by the pureft moral fen- 
timents, and intended to be governed by the beft 
principles, is a paifion ftill ; and therefore, like ,/*//'<*- - 
all other human defires, unlimited and infatiable. 
No man was ever contented with any given 
lhare of this human adoration. When Caefar de- 
clared that he had lived enough to glory ; Casfar 
might deceive himfelf, but he did not deceive 
the world, who faw his declaration contradicted 
by every action of his fubfequent life. Man con- 
flantly craves for more, even when he has no 
rival : But when he fees another poffeficd of 
more, or drawing away from himfelf a part of 
what he had, he feels a mortification, ariilng 
from the lofs of a good he thought his own : 
Kisdefire is disappointed : The pain of a want 
unfatisfied, is increafcdby a rcfentment of an in- 
juftice, as he thinks it : lie accufeshis rival of a 
theft or robbery, and the public of taking away, 
what was his property, and giving it to another. 

r| f* I g Tftft 'i r< rvo *\ T-* ^-r %* .-\*s* ^ i- * *-* ,~* ^ 4. .-. _ 1 L. i. T_ . 

leehngs and refentments, are but other 
c names 


names for jealoufy and envy ; and altogether 
they produce fome of the keeneft and moft tor- 
menting of all fentiments. Thefe fermentations 
of the paflions are fo common and fo well known, 
that the people generally prefume, that a perfon 
in fuch circumftanccs, is deprived of his judg- 
ment, if not of his veracity and reafon. It is ton 
generally a fufficient anfwer to any complaint, 
to any fact alledged, or argument advanced, tcr 
fay that it comes from a difappointed man. 

There is a voice within us, which Teems to in- 
timate, that real merit fhould govern the world ; 
p^tlfc* and that men ought to be refpecled only in 
proportion to their talents, virtues and fervices. 
But the queftion always has been, how can this 
arrangement be aceompliihed ? How ihall the 
men of merit be difcovered ? How fhall the pro- 
portions of merit be afcertained and graduated I 
Who mall be the judge ? When the government 
of a great nation is in q.uefcion, mall the whole 
nation choofe ? Will fuch a choice be better 
than chance ? Shall the whole nation vote for 
Senators ? Thirty millions of votes, for exam- 
ple, for each Senator in France ! It is obvious- 
that this would be a lottery of millions of blanks 
to one prize, and that the chance of having wif 
dom and integrity in a Senator by hereditary 
defcent would be far better. There is no indi- 
vidual perfonally known to an hundredth part 
of the nation. The voters then muft be expofed 
to deception, from intrigues and manoeuvres, 
without number, that is to fay, from all the chi- 
canery, impoftures and fallhoods imaginable, 
with fcarce a poffibility of prefering real merit. 
Will you divide the nation into ciiftri&s, and let 
each.diftricl: choofe a Senator ? This is giving up 



tlie idea of national merit, and annexing the ho- 
nor and the truft to an accident, that of living on 
a particular fpot. An hundred or a thoufand men 
.of the firft merit in a nation, may live in one city, 
and none at all of this defcription in feveral whole 
provinces. Real merit is fo remote from the 
knowledge of whole nations, that were magi- 
flrates to be chofen by that criterion alone, an4 
by an univerfal fuftrage, diffentions and venality 
would be endlefs. The difficulties arifing from 
this fource, are fo obvious and univerfal, that na- 
tions have tried all forts of experiments to avoid 

As no appetite in human nature is more uni- 
verfal than that for honor, and real merit is con- 
fined to a very few, the numbers who thirft for 
refpect, are out of all proportion to thofe who 
feek it only by merit. The great majority trou- 
ble themfelves little about merit, but apply them- 
felves to feek for honor, by which means they fee 
will more eafily and certainly obtain it, by difplay- 
ing their tafte and addrefs, their wealth and mag- 
nificence, their ancient parchments, pictures, and , 
ilatues, and the virtues of their anceftors ; and if 
thefe fail, as they feldom have done, they have 
recourfe to artifice, difiimulation, hypocrify, flat- 
tery, impofture, empiricifm, quackery and bribe- 
ry. What chance has humble, modeft, obfcure 
and poor merit, in fuch a fcramble ? Nations, per- 
ceiving that the ftill fmall voice of merit, was 
drowned in the infolent roar of fuch dupes of 
impudence and knavery, in national elections, 
without a poflibility of a remedy ,'have fought for 
fomething more permanent than the popular 
voice to delignate honor. Many nations have 
attempted tp annex it to land ? prefuming that a 
' ' good 

> t 



good eflate would at leaft furniSh means of a goo ! 
education ; and have refolved that thofe who 
Should poffefs certain territories, mould have cer- 
tain legislative, executive and judicial powers, o- 
ver the people. Other nations have endeavour- 
ed to connect honor with offices ; and the names 
and ideas at leaft of certain moral virtues-and in- 
:ellectual qualities have been by law annexed to 
:ertain offices, as veneration, grace, excellence, 
honor, ferejiity, majefty. Other nations have at- 
tempted to annex honor to families, without re- 
gard to lands or offices. The Romans allowed 
none, but thofe who had porTeffed curule offices, 
to have Statues or portraits. He, who had ima- 
ges or pictures of his anceftors, \vs,,s called noble. 
He who had no ftatue or pictures but. his own, 
was called a new man. Thofe who had none at 
all, were ignoble. Other nations have united all 
thofe inftitutions ; connected lands, offices and 
families made them all defcend together, and 
honor, public attention, confideration and con- 
gratulation, along with them. This has been the 
A H f policy of Europe ; and it is to this institution 
^ a. Jrufk: ^^n fhe owes her fuperiority in war and peace, 
l/7 W ''V "* in legislation and commerce, in agriculture, na- 
i rjulv^b* vigation, arts, fciences and manufactures, to Afia 
ft i and Africa. Uiefe families, thus distinguished 
by property, honors and privileges, by defend- 
ing themfelves, have been obliged to defend^the 
. 'litu * people againft the encroachments of defpotifm. 
-y They have been a civil and political militia, con- 
M ' , J" ^ ftantly watching the defigns of the ftanding ar- 
''' / '/r/roies, and courts; and by defending their own 
: ^v/^cy'^j-ights, liberties, properties, and privileges, they 
t-n vi^-*^have been obliged, in fome degree, to defend 
Ttrf thofe of the people, by making a common cauie 
j ,. * , f y J ft, with 

3,H- 1 ' '*** ., / 4 ' 

I fr.itJ'Y^ 


\vlth them. But there were feveral efTcntial 
*i*l clef-efts in this policy : one was that the peo- 
ple took no rational meafures to defend them- 
felves, either againft thefe great families, or the 
courts. They had no adequate reprefentation of 
themfelves in th^ fovereignty. Another was that /".*:'/ / 

w " 

it never was determined where the fovereignty 

^""**'' " 

refided generally it was claimed by Kings; 
rot admitted by the nobles. Sometimes every 
Baron pretended to be fovereign in his own ter- 
ritory ; at other times the fovereignty was claim- 
ed by an afiembly of nobles, under the name 
of States or Cortes. Sometimes the United au- 
thority of the King and States was called the fove- 
reignty. The common people had no adequate and 
independent fhare in the legiflatures, and found 
themfelves harraiiedto difcover who was the fove- 
reign, and whom they ought to obey, as much 
as they ever had been or could be to determine 
who had the moil merit- A thoufand years of Ba- 
rons* wars, caufing univerfal darknefs, ignorance 
and barbarity,ended at laft infimple monarchy ,not 
by exprefs ftipulation, but by tacit acquiefcence, 
in almoft all Europe ; the people prefering a cer- 
tain fovereignty in a lingleperfon, to endiefs dif- 
putes, about merit and fovereignty, which never 
did and never will produce any thingbutariftocra- 
tical anarchy ; and the nobles contenting them- 
felves with a fecurify of their property and privi- 
leges,bya government of fixed Jaws, regiftered and 
interpreted by a judicial power, which they cal- 
led fovereign tribunals, though the legiflation 
and execution were in a fingle perfon. In this 
fyftem to controul the nobles, the church joined 
the Kings and common people. 

The progrefs of reafon, letters and fcience, has 



weakened the church and ftrengthened the com* 
rnon people ; who, if they are honed ly and pHj 
'dently conducted by thofe who have their confi- 
deuce, will mofl infallibly obtain a {hare in eve- 
ry legiflaturt;. But if the common people are 
advifed to aim at collecting the whole fovereign- 
ty in fingle national afiemblies, as they are by the 
Duke de la Rochefoucaidt and the Marquis of Con- 

j ., - / , ,. . r i r 

dsrcet ; or at the abolition or the Regal executive 
authority ; or at a divlion of the executive pow* 
er, as they are by a pofthumous publication of 
the Abby de Mably* they will fail of their defired 
liberty, as certainly as emulation and rivalry are 
founded in human nature, and infeparable from 
c i v ii a ff a ; rs . j t j s not to flatter the paffions of 
the people, to be lure, ncr is it the way to obtain 
& a prefent enthufiaftic popularity, to tell them that 
^ n a ^ n g^ e ^ffenibly, they will acl: as arbitrarily 
and tyramcally as any clefpot, but it is a facred 

^ii j j j 

truth, and as demonltrable as any proportion 
whatever, that a fovereignty in a lingle afiembly 
mu-ft neceffarily, and will certainly be exercifed 
by a majority, as tyrannically as any fovereignty 
was ever exerc ifed by Kings or Nobles. And if 
a ballance of paffions and interefts is not fcientifi- 
cally concerted, the prefent ftruggle in Europe 
* *^JA iyill be little beneficial to mankind, and produce 
nothing but another thoufand years of feudal 
fanaticifm, under new and flrange names. 

The Abby's Project has fmce been tried in a quintuple 

DISCOURSES ON Dnv iju,-x. 55 

No. 9. 

Tis from high life, high characters are drawn, 

A Saint in trafe, is twice a Saint in lawn. jQ^>^ 

PROVIDENCE, which has placed one thing 
over againft another, in the moral as well as phy- 
lical world, has furpriiingly accommodated the 
qualities of men, to anf\ver one another. There 
is a remarkable difpofition in mankind to con- 
gratulate with others in their joys and profperi- 
ty, more than to fympathife wich them in their 
borrows and adverilty. We may appeal to expe- 
rience. There is lefs difpoiition t-j congratuLi- 
tion with genius, talents, or virtue, than there is 
with beauty, ftrength and elegance of perfon ; 
and lefs with thefe than with the gifts of fortune 
and birth, wealth and fame. The homage of the 
world is devoted to thefe laft, in a remarkable 
manner. Experience concurs with religion in 
pronouncing, molt decisively, that this world is 
not the region of virtue or happinefs ; both are 
here at fchool, and their ftruggles with ambition, 
avarice, and the deiire of fame, appear to be their 
difcipline and exercife The gifts of fortune are 
more level to the capacities, and more obvious to 
the notice of mankind in general ; arid congratu- 
lation with the happinefo, or fancied happinefs of 
others, is agreeable ; fympathy with their mifery 
is difagreeable : from the former fources we de- 
rive pleafure, from the latter pain. The forrow 
of the company at a funeral, may be more profi- 
table to moral purpofes, by fuggeiling ufeiul re- 
flections, than the mirth at a wedding ; but it is 
not fo vivid, nor fo fincere. The acclamations of 


the populace, at an ovation or triumph, at a co- 
ronation, or inflallation, are from the heart, and 
their joy is unfeigned. Their grief at a public 
Execution' is lef's violent at leaft : if their feelinge 
at fuch fpectacles were very dUtreliing. they would 
be lefs eaorer to attend them. What is the mo- 


tive of that ardent curiolity to fee fights and 
Ihews of exultation the proceffions of Princes 
the oitentation of wealth the magnificence of 
equipage, retinue, furniture, buildings, and en- 
tertainment ? There is no other antwer to be 
given to thefe queftions, than the gaiety of heart, 
the joyous feelings of congratulation with fuch 
appearances of felicity. And for the vindication 
of the ways of God to man, and the perpetual 
confolation of the many, who are fpectators, it is 
certainly true, that their pleafure is always as 
great, aud commonly much greater, than that of 
the few who are the actors. 

National pafiions and habits are unweildy, un- 
manageable and formidable things. The num- 
ber of perfons in any country, who are known 
even by name or reputation, to a!3 the inhabitants, 
is, and ever muit be, very fmall. Thofe, whofe 
characters have attracted the affections, as well 
as the attention of an whole people, acquire an 
influence and afceadaiicy that it is difficult to re- 
fift. In proportion as men rife higher in the 
world, whether by election, defcent or appoint- 
ment, and are expofed to the obfervation of 
greater numbers of people, the effects of their 
own paffions, and of the affections of others for 
them become more ferious, interefting and dan- 
gerous. In elective governments, where firft 
magiilrates and fenators are at ftated intervals to 
be chofen, thefe, if there are no parties, become 



sit every frcfli election, more known, confidered 
and beloved, by the whole nation. But if the 
nition is divided into t\vo parties, thofe who 
vote for a man, become the more attached to 
him for the opposition, that is made by his ene- 
mies. This national attachment to an elective 
firft magiftrate, where there is no competition, is 
very great : but where there is a competition, 
the pillions of his party, are inflamed by it, into 
a more ardent enthufiafm. If there are two can- 
didates, each at the head of a party, the nation 
becomes divided into two nations, each of which 
is, in fact, a moral perfon, as much as any com- 
munity can be fo, and are foon, bitterly enraged, 
againft each other. 

ft has been already faid, that in proportion as 
men rife higher in the world, and are expofed to 
the obfervation of greater numbers, the effects of 
thefe pailions are more ferious and alarming. Im- 
preflions on the feelings of the individual, arc 
deeper ; and larger portions of mankind become 
interefled in them. When you rife to the ftrft 
ranks, and confider the firft men ; a nobility who 
are known and refpected at leaft, perhaps habitu- 
ally efteemed and beloved by a nation ; Princes 
and Kings, on whom the eyes of ail men are fixed, 
and whofe every motion is regarded, the confe- 
quences of wounding their feelings are dreadful, 
becaufe the feelings of an whole nation, and fomc- 
times of many nations, are wounded at the fame 
time. If the fmalleft variation is made in their 
fituation, relatively to each other ; if one who 
was inferior is railed to be fuperior, unlefs it be 
by fixed laws, whofe evident policy andnccefiity 
may take away difgrace, nothing but war, car- 
nage and vengeance has ever been the ufual con- 
H - i ucncc 


fequence of it. In the examples of the houfes? 
Valols and Bourbon, Guife and Montmorency t Guife 
and Bourbon, and Guife and Valois, we have alrea- 
dy feen very grave effects of thefe feelings, and 
the hiftory of an hundred years, which followed, 
is nothing but a detail of other, and more tragi- 
cal effects of iimilar caufes. 

To any one who has never conlidered the force 
of national attention, confederation, and congratulation^ 
and the caufes, natural and artificial, by which 
they have been excited, it will be curious to read, 
/p/ L in Plato's Alcibiades, the manner in which thefe 
' national attachments to their kings, were created 
by the ancient Perfians. The policy of the mo- 
dern monarchies of Europe, ieems to be an exact 
imitation of that of the Perfian Court, as it is ex- 
plained by the Grecian philofopher. In France, 
for example, the pregnancy of the Queen is an- 
nounced with great folemnity to the whole na- 
tion. Her Majefty is fcarcely afflicted with a pain 
which is not formally communicated to the pub- 
lic. To this embryo the minds of the whole na- 
tion are turned ; and they follow him, day by 
day, in their thoughts, till he is boru. The whole 
people have a right to be prefent at his birth ; and 
as many as the Chamber will hold, crowd in, till 
the Queen and Prince are almoft fuffocated with 
the loyal curioiity and affectionate folicitude of 
their iubjects. In the cradle, the principal per- 
fonages of the kingdom, as well as all the Ambaf- 
fadors, are from time to time prefented to the 
royal irifant. To thoufands who prefs to fee him, 
he is daily {hewn from the nurfery. Of every 
ftep in his education ; and or every gradation 
of his youthful growth, in body and mind, the 
public is informed in the Gazettes. Not a ilroke 


of wit, not a fprightly fally, not a trait of gener- 
ous affection, can efcape him, but the world is 
told of it, and very often pretty fictions are con- 
trived, for the fame purpofe, where the truth 
\vili not furnifh materials. Thus it becomes the 
national million, it is the tone of the city and the 
court, to think and converfe daily about the dau- 
phin. When he accedes to the throne, the fame 
attention is continued, till he dies. 

In elective governments, fomething very like 
this, always takes place, towards the firft charac- 
ter : his perfon, countenance, character and ac- 
tions, are made the daily contemplation and con- 
verfation of the whole people. Hence arifes the 
danger of a divifion of this attention where 
there are rivals for the firft place, the national 
attention and paffions are divided, and thwart 
each other the collilion enkindles fires the con- 
flicting paffions intereft all ranfcs they produce 
ilanders and libels firlt, mobs and feditions next, 
and civil war, with all her hifTmg fnakes, burn- 
ing torches, and haggard horrors at laft. 

This is the true reafon, why all civilized free 
nations have found, by experience, the neeeflity of 
feperating, from the body of the people, and ev- 
en from the leoiflature, the diftribution of hon- 


ors, and confering it on the executive authority 
of government. When the emulation of all the 
citizens looks up to one point, like the rays or 
a circle from all parts of the o'rcumference, meet- 
ing and uniting in the centre, you may hope for 
uniformity, confiftency and fubordination : but 
when they look up to different individuals, or 
afTemblies, or councils, you may exped all the 
deformities, eccentricities, and confulion, of the 
Jjtoleiqick fyftcm. 


No. i o. 

" Wife if a Mini Her, but if a King, 
' More wife, more learn'J, mere juft, more every thing. 


LE is fcarcely any truth more certain, or 
more evident, than that the nobleife of Europe, 
are, in general, lefs -happy than the common peo- 
ple. There is one irrefragable proof of it, which 
is, that they do not maintain their own popula- 
tion. Families, like liars, or candles, which you 
will, are going out continually ; and without frefh 
recruits from the plebeians, the nobility would 
in time be extinct. If you make allowances for 
the ftate, which they are condemned by them- 
felves, and the world, to fupport, they are poor- 
er than the poor deeply in debt and tributary 
to ufurious capitalifts, as greedy as the Jews. - 
The kings of Europe, in the fight of a philofo- 
pher, are the greateft flaves on earth, how often 
ibever we may cal] them defpots, tyrants, and 
other rude names, in which our pride and vanity 
takes a wonderful delight : they have the leaft 
exercife of their inclinations, the leaft perfonal 
liberty, and the leaft free indulgence of their paf- 
lions, of any men alive. Yet how rare are the 
inftances of relignations, and how univerfal is 
the ambition to be noble, and the wifli to be roy- 

Experience and philofophy are loft upon man- 
land. The attention of the world has a charm 
in it, which few minds can withftand. The peo~ 
pie coniider the condition of the great in all thofe 
deluiive colours, in which imagination can paint 
and gild it, and reafon can make little refiftance, 
to this impetuous propenfity. To better their 




condition, to advance their fortunes, without li- 
mits, is the object of their conftant dcfire, the 
employment of all their thoughts by day and by 
night. They feel a peculiar iympathy with that 
pleaiure, which they prefume thofe enjoy, who 
are already powerful, celebrated and rich. " We 
favour (fays a great writer) all their inclinations, 
and forward all their What pity, W T C 
think, that any thing fliould fpoil and corrupt fo 
agreeable a fituation : we could even wifh them 
immortal ; and it feems hard to us, that death 
fliould at laft put an end to fuch perfect enjoy- 
ment. It is cruel, we think, in nature, to com- 
pel them from their exalted ftations, to that hum- 
ble, but hofpitable home, which Ihe has provided 
for all her children. Great King, live forever ! 
is the compliment, which, after the manner of 
Eaftern adulation, we fliould readily make them, 
if experience did not teach us its abfurdity. 
Every calamity that befalls them, every injury 
that is done them, excites in the breaft of the 
fpectator, ten times more companion and refent- 
ment, than he would have felt, had the fame 
things happened to other men. It is the misfor- 
tune of Kings only, which afford the proper fub- 
jects for tragedy ; they refemble, in this refpect, 
the misfortune of lovers. Thefe two fituations 
arc the chief which intereft us on the ftage ; be- 
caufe, in fpight of all that reafon and experience 
can tell us to the contrary, the prejudices of the 
imagination, attach to thefe two ftates. a happi- 
nefs fuperior to any other. To difturb or put an 
end to fuch perfect enjoyment, feems to be the 
moft atrocious of all injuries. The traitor, who 
confpires againft the life of his monarch, is tho't 
.. greater monfter, than any other murderer. All 



the innocent blood that was fhed in the civil wars, 
provoked lefs indignation than the death of 
Charles Ift. A ftranger to human nature, who 
faw the indifference of men about the mifery of 
their inferiors, and the regret and indignation 
which they feel for the misfortunes and fuffer- 
ings of thofe above them, would be apt to ima- 
gine, that pain muft be more agonizing, and the 
convulsions of death more terrible to perfons of 
higher rank, than to thofe of meaner ilations. 

" Upon this difpofition of mankind, to go a- 
long with all the paiTions of the rich and pow- 
erful, is founded the diftinction of ranks, and 
the order of fociety. Our obfequioufnefs to our 
fuperiors more frequently arifes from our ad- 
miration for the advantages of their iltuation, 
than from any private expectations of benefit 
from their good. will. Their benefits can extend 
but to a few j but their fortunes intereft almoft 
every body. We are eager to aiiift them in corn- 
pleating a lyftem of happinefs that approaches fo 
near to perfection ; and we delire to ferve them 
for their own fake, without any other recom- 
pence but the vanity or the honor of obliging 
them. Neither is our deference to their incli- 
nations founded chiefly, or altogether, upon a 
regard to the utility offuch fubmiilion, and to 
the order of fociety, which is beft fupported by 
it. Even when the order of fociety feems to re- 
quire that we Ihould oppofe them, we can hard- 
ly bring ourfelves to do it. That kings are. the 
lervants of the people, to be obeyed, refilled, de- 
pofed, or punimed, as the public conveniency 
may require, is the doctrine of reafon and phi- 
lofophy ; but it is not the doctrine of nature. 
Nature would teach us to fubmit to them, for 



their own fakes, to tremble and bow down be- 
fore their exalted ftation, to regard their fmile 
as a reward fufficient to compenfate any fervices, 
and to dread their difpleafure, though no other 
evil was to follow from it, as the fevered of all 
mortifications. To treat them in any refpect as 
men, to reafon and difpute with them upon or- 
dinary occafions, requires fuch refolution, that 
there are few men whofe magnanimity can fup- 
port them in it, unlefs they are likewife afiifted 
by familiarity and acquaintance. The ftrongefl 
motives, the moft furious paffions, fear, hatred 
and refentmcnt, are fcarce iufficient to balance 
this natural difpofition to refpecfc them : and 
their conduct muft either juftly or unjuftly, have 
excited the higheft degree of all thofe paflions, 
befoie the bulk of the people can be brought to 
oppofe them with violence, or to delire to fee 
them either punifhed or depofed. Even when 
the people have been brought to this length, they 
are apt to relent every moment, and eafily re- 
lapfe into their habitual ftate of deference. They 
cannot ftand the mortification of their monarch ; 
compaflion foon takes the place of refentment, 
they forget all paft provocations, their old prin- 
ciples of loyalty revive, and they run to re-eftab- 
lifh the ruined authority of their old matters, 
with the lame violence with which they had 
oppofed it. The death of Charles the firft, 
brought about the reftoration of the royal fam- 
ily. Companion for James the fecond, when he 
was feized by the populace, in making his ef- 
cape on {hip board, had almofl prevented the 
revolution, and made it go on more heavily than 

" Do the great fcem infenfible. of the eafy 

pr. 5 


price, as which they may acquire the public ad- 
miration ; or do they feem to imagine, that td 
them, as to other men, it muft be the purchafe 
either of fweat or of blood ? By what import- 
ant accomplimments is the young nobleman in- 
ftructed to fupport the dignity of his rank, and 
to render himfelf worthy of that fuperiority 
over his fellow citizens, to which the virtue of 
his anceftors had raifed them ? Is it by know- 
ledge, by induftry, by patience, by felfdenial, or 
by virtue of any kind ? As all his words, as all 
his motions are attended to, he learns an habitual 
regard to every circumftance of ordinary behav- 
iour, and ftudies to perform all thofe fmall duties, 
with the moft exact propriety. As he is confci- 
ous how much he is obferved, and how much 
mankind are difpofed to favour ail his inclina- 
tions, he acts, upon the moft indifferent occafions, 
with that freedom and elegance, which the tho't 
of this naturally infpires. His air, his manner, 
his deportment, all mark that elegant and grace- 
ful fenfe of his own fuperiority, which thofe who 
are born to inferior ftations, can hardly expect 
to arrive at. Thefe are the arts, by which he 
propofes to make mankind fubmit to his authori- 
ty, and to govern their inclinations according ta 
his own pleafure ; and in this he is feldom difap- 
pointed. Thefe arts, fupported by rank and pre- 
eminence, are, upon ordinary occafions, fufficient 
to govern the world. 

" But it is not by accomplifliments of this kind, 
that the man of inferior rank muft hope to diftin- 
guifli himfelf. Politencfs is fo much the virtue 
of the great, that it will do little honor to any- 
body but themfelves. The coxcomb, who imi- 
tates their manner, and affeds to be eminent by 



the fuperior propriety of his ordinary behaviour, 
is rewarded with a double mare of contempt for 
his folly and prcfumption. Whyfhould the man 
whom nobody thinks it worth while to look at, 
be very anxious about the manner in which he 
holds up his head, or difpofes of his arms, while 
he walks through a room ? He is occupied fure- 
ly with a very iupertluous attention, and with 
an attention too that marks a fenfe of his own 
importance, which no other mortal can go along 
with. The moft perfect modefty and piairmefs, 
joined to as much negligence, as is confiftent.with 
the refpect due to the company, ought to be the 
chief characteriftics of the behaviour of a private 
man. If ever he hopes to diftinguiih hirafelf, it 
muft be by more important virtues : he muft ac- 
quire dependants, to balance the dependants of 
the great ; and he has no other fund to pay them 
from but the labour of his body, and the activity 
of his mind. He mull cultivate thefe, therefore, 
he muft acquire fuperior knowledge in his pro- 
feilion, and fuperior induftry in the exercile of 
it ; he muft be patient in labour, refolute in dan- 
ger, and firm in diftrefs. Thefe talents he muft 
bring into view, by the difficulty, importance, and 
at the fame time, good judgmeut of his under- 
takings, and by the fevere and unrelenting ap- 
plication with which he purfues them. Probity 
and prudence, generofity and franknefs, muft 
characterife his behaviour upon all ordinary oc- 
cafions ; and he muft at the fame time, be .for- 
ward to engage in all thofe fituations, in which 
h requires the greateft talents and virtues to aft 
with propriety; but in which the greateft applaufe 
is to be acquired by thofe who can acquit tliem- 
felves with honor. With what impatience docs 


the man of fpirit and ambition, who is depreffed 
by his fituation, look round for fome great op- 
portunity to diftinguifti himfelf ? No circumftan- 
ces, which can afford this, appear to him unde- 
firable ; he even looks forward with fatisf action 
to the profpect of foreign war, or civil diffention ; 
and with fecret tranfport and delight, fees, thro* 
all the confufion and bloodihed which attend 
them, the probability of all thofe wiflied-for oc- 
cafions, prefenting themfelves, in which he may 
draw upon himfelf the attention and admiration 
of mankind. The man of rank and diftinction, 
on the contrary, whofe whole glory confifts in 
the propriety of his ordinary behaviour ; who is 
contented with the humble renown which this 
can afford him, and has no talents to acquire 
any other ; is unwilling to embarrafs himfelf with 
what can be attended either with difficulty or 
diftrefs : To figure at a ball is his great triumph 
he has an averlion to a]l public confuiions, not 
from want of courage, for in that he is feldom 
defective, but from a confcioufnefs that he pof- 
feffes none of the virtues which are required in 
fuch fkuations, and that the public attention 
\\ ill certainly be drawn away from him by oth- 
ers : he may be willing to expofe himfelf to fome 
little danger, and to make a campaign, when it 
happens to be the fafhion ; but he fliudders with 
horror at the thought of any fituation which de- 
mands the continual and long exertion of pati- 
ence, induftry, fortitude, and long application of 
thought. Thefe virtues are hardly ever to be 
met with in men who are born to thofe high fta- 
tions. In all governments, accordingly, even in 
monarchies, the higheft offices are generally pof- 
feffed, and the whole detail of the adminiftration 



conducted by men, who were educated in the 
middle and inferior ranks of life, who have been 
carried forward by their own induftry and abili- 
ties, though loaded with the jealoufy, and oppo- 
led by the refentment of all thofe who were born 
their fuperiors, and to whom the great, after hav- 
ing regarded them, lirft with contempt, and af- 
terwards with envy, are at laft contented to 
truckle with the fame abject rneannefs, with 
which they defire that the reft of mankind fhould 
behave to themfelves. 

" It is the lofs of this eafy empire over the af- 
fections of mankind, which renders the fall from 
greatnefs fo infuppor table. When the family of 
the King of Macedon was led in triumph by Pau- 
lus .ZEmilius, their misfortunes, made them di- 
vide with their conqueror, the attention of the 
Roman people. The fight of the royal children, 
whofe tender age rendered them infenfible of 
their lituation, flruck the fpectators, amidft the 
public rejoicings and profperity, with the ten- 
dereft forrow and compailion. The King ap- 
peared next in the proceffion and feemed like 
one confounded and aftoniilied, and bereft of all 
fentimeHt, by the greatnefs of his calamities. His 
friends and minifters followed after him. As 
they moved along, they often caft their eyes up- 
on their fallen fovereign, and always burfl into 
tears at the fight their whole behaviour demon- 
ftrating that they thought not of their own mis- 
fortunes, but were occupied intirely by the fupe- 
rior greatnefs of his. The generous Romans, on 
the contrary, beheld him with difdain and in- 
dignation, and regarded as unworthy of all com- 
pailion the man who could be fo mean fpirited 
as to bear to live under fuch calamities. Yet 



what did thofe calamities, amount to ? He waste 
fpcnd the remainder of his days, in aftate, which 
of itfelf fhould feem worthy of envy ; a ftate of 
plenty, eafe, leifure and fecurity, from which it 
was impoffible for him, even by his own folly, to 
fall. But he was no longer to be furrounded by 
that admiring mob of fools, flatterers, and de- 
pendants, who had formerly been accuftomed to 
attend all his motions ; he was no longer to be 
gazed upon by multitudes, nor to have it in his 
power to render himfelf the object of their re- 
ipecT:, their gratitude, their love, and their admi- 
ration. The paffions of nature were no longer 
to mould themfelves upon his inclinations. This 
was that infupportable calamity, which bereaved 
the king of all fentiment ; which made his friends 
forget their own misfortunes, and which the Ro- 
man magnanimity could fcarce conceive how a- 
ny man could be fo mean fpiritcd as to bear to 

" To thofe who have been accuftomed to the 
poiieffion, or even to the hope of public admira- 
tion, all other pleafures ficken and decay. 

" Of fuch mighty importance does it appear 
to be, in the imaginations of men, to Hand in 
that iituation which fets them mofl in the view 
of general fympathy, and attention ; and thus 
place that great objecl: which divides the wives 
of aldermen, is the end of half the labours of 
human life ; and is the caufe of all the tumult 
and buftle, all the rapine and injuftice, which a- 
varice and ambition have introduced into this 
world. People of fenfe, it is faid indeed, defpife 
place ; that is to fay they defpife fetting at the 
head of the table, and are indifferent who it is 
that is pointed out to the company by that fri- 


volous circumftance which the fmalleft advantage 


is capable of overbalancing. But rank, diflinc- 
tion, pre-eminence, no man defpifes." Jiam J 


^ '<>. tl >-vi * - J . 

No. ii. 

Heroes proceed ! What bounds your pride fnall hold? 
What check reftrain your thirft of power and gold ? 

THE anfwer to the queftion, in the motto, 
can be none other than this, that as nature has 
eftablHhed in the hofoms of heroes no limits to 
thofe pafiions ; and as the world, inftead of re- 
ftraining encourages them, the check mud be, in 
the form of government. 

The world encourages ambition and avarice, 
by taking the moft decided part in their favor. 
The Roman world approved of the ambition of 
Csefar ; and, notwithftanding all the pains that C tfJ ar 
have been taken with fo much reafon, by moral 
and political writers to difgrace it, the world has 
approved it thefe feventeen hundred years; andftill 
efteems his name an honor to the firft empire in 
Europe. Confider the ftory of the ambition and 
the fall of Cardinal Wolfey, and Archbilhop Laud ; 
the indignation of the world againft their tyran- 
ny has been very faint ; the fympathy with their 
fall has been very ftrong. Confider all the ex- 
amples in hiflory of fuccefsful ambition, you will 
find none generally condemned by mankind ; on 
the other hand, think of the inftances of ambi- 
tion, unfuccefsful and difappointed j or of falls 



from great heights, you find the fympathy of the 
world univerfally affected. Cruelty and tyranny 
of the blacked kind muft accompany the ftory, 
to deftroy or fenfibly diminim. this pity. That 
world, for the regulations of whofe prejudices, 
pallions, imaginations and interefts, governments 
arc inftituted, is fo unjuil, that neither religion, 
natural nor revealed, nor any thing, but a well 
ordered and well balanced government has ever 
been able to correct it, and that but imperfectly. 
It is as true in modern London, as it was in an- 
cient Rome, that the fympathy of the world is lefs 
excited by the deftruction of the houfe of a man 
of merit, in obfcurity, or even in middle life, 
though it be by the unjuft violence of men, than 
by the fame calamity befalling a rich man, by the 
righteous indignation of heaven. 

Nil habuit Codrus : quis enirh negat ? et tamen illud 

Perdidit infelix totum nil : ultimus autem 

^Eiunanae cumulus, quod nudum et frufta rogantem 

Nemo cibo, nemo hofpitio teftoque juvabit. 

Si magna Arturi cecidit domus, horrida mater, 

Pullati proceres, difFert vadimonia Prsetor : 

Tune gemimus cafus urbis, tune odimus ignem. 

Ardet adhuc, et jam, accurrit qui marmora donet, 

Conferat impenfas. Kic nuda et Candida figna ; 

Hie aliquid prceclarum Euphranoris et Polycleti, 

Hie phsecafiancrum vetera ornamenta Deorum. 

Hie libros dabit et forulos, mediamque Minervnm j 

Hie modium argenti : meliora et plura reponit 

PeiTicus orborum lautiffimus, ut merito jam 

Sufpe&us, tanquam ipfe fuas incenderit sdes. ,'itum*4.- 

But hark ! th' affrighted crowd's tumultuous cries 
Roll through the ftreets, and thunder to the fkies : 
Rais'd from fome pleafing dream of v/ealth and power. 
Some pompous palace, or fome blifsful bower, 
Aghaft you ftart, and fcarce with aching fight, 
Knftain the approaching fire's tremendous light j 
Swift from purfuing horrors take your way, 
And leave your little all to flames a prey ; 



Then thro' the world a. wretched vagrant roam, 

For where can ftarving merit find a home? 

In vain your mournful narrative difclofe, 

While all neglect, and moll iniult your woes. 

---- But 

Should heavn's juft bolts Orgilio's wealth confound 

And fpread his flaming palace on the ground, 

Swift o'er the kind the difmal rumour flies, 

And public mournings pacify the Ikies ; 

The Laureat tribe in venal verfe relate, 

How virtue wars with persecuting fate ; 

With well-feign'd gratitude the penuon'd band 

Refund the plunder of the be^gar'd land. 

See ! while he builds, the gaudy vailals come, 

And crowd with fuddcn wealth the rifing dome? 

The price of boroughs and of fouls re (lore ; 

And raife his treafures higher than before : 

Now blefs'd with all the baubles of the great, 

The polilh'd marble and the fiiining plate, 

Orgilio fees'the golden pile afpire, 

And hopes from angry heav'n another fire. 

Although the verfe, both of the Roman and 
the Briton, is fatire, its keenefl feverity confiib 
in its truth. 

No. 12. 

Order is Helen's firjl !a-iu and this confefs'd* 
Some are, and mujl bs, greater than the reft : 
JMire rich, more luife But i w/;o infers frcm ben*e t 
That fuch are bappier,Jhocks all common ftnfe. 

THE world is fenfible of the ncccflity of fup- 
porting their favourites under the firit onfets of 
misfortune left the fall fhould be dreadful and 
irrecoverable for according to the great Matter 
of Nature, 'TU 


'Tis certain, greatnefs, once fallen out with fortune? 
Mull fall out with men too : What the declin'd is 
He fhall as foon read in the eyes of others, 
As feel in his own fall : for men, like butterflies, 
Shew not their mealy wings but to the fummer ; 
And not a man for being fmgly man, 
Hath any honor ; but's honor'd for thofe honors 
That are without him, as place, riches, favor, 
Prizes of accident as oft as merit. 

Mankind are fo fenfible of thefe things, that 
by a kind of inftincl or intuition, they generally 
follow the advice of the fame author. 

Take the inftant way, 
For honor travels in a ftraight fo narrow 
Where one but goes abreaft : Keep then the path; 
For emulation hath a thoufand fons, 
That one by one purfue ; if you give way, 
Or hedge a!ide from the direct forth-right, 
Like to an enter'd tide, they all rufh by, 
And leave you hindmoft ; 
Or like a gallant horfe, falPn in firfl. rank, 
Lie there for pavement to the abject rear, 
O'errun and trampled on. 

The inference from all the contemplations and 
experiments which have been made, by ail na- 
tions, upon thefe difpofitions to imitation, emu- 
lation, and rivalry, is expreffed by the fame great 
teacher of morality and politics. 

Degree being vizarded, 
CXJVce. Th' unworihieft ftiews as fairly in the maflc. 

The Heaven's themfelves, the Planets and this centre, 
andtUon Obfervc degree, priority and place, 

Infiilure, courfe, proportion, feafon, form, 
Office and cuftom, in all line of order : 
" > * And therefore is the glorious planet Sol, 

In noble eminence, enthron'd and fpher'd 
it a iit<n Amidft the others ; whofe med'cinable eye 

Corrects the ill afpecls of planets evil, 
\'i ' it. !< en And potts like the commandment of a King, 




Sans check, to good and bad ; but when the planets 

In evil mixture, to, dilorder wander, 

\Vhat plagues and what portents ! what mutiny ! 

What raging of the lea ! Shaking of earth ! 

Commotion in the winds ! Frights, changes, horrors^ 

Divert and crack, rend and deracinate, 

The unity and married calrri Of States, 

Quite from their fixure ? O, when Degree is fhak'cJ, 

Which is the ladder to all high defigns, 

The enterprize is fick ! How could communities^ , 

Degrees in fchools, and brotherhoods in cities^ '-Xfcy 

The primogenitive and due of birth, 

Prerogative of age, crowns, fceptres, laurels, 

But by Degree ftand in authentic place ? 3" f4 

Take but Degree away ; untune that firing C$ e<j 

And hark ! what difcord follows ! each thing meel^ 

In meer oppugnaney : the bounded waters 

Should lift their bofoms, higher than the fhores, 

And make a fop, of all this folid globe : 

Strength fhould be lord of imbecility, 

And the rude fen ihould ftrike his father dead : 

Force ftould be right ; or rather right and wrong , 

Should lofe their names, and fo fliould juftice too> 

Then every thing includes itfelf in power, 

Power into will, will into appetite ; 

And appetite an univerfal wolf, 

Mud make perforce an univeifal prey, 

And laft eat up himfelf. 

This chaos, when Degree is fuffocate 

Follows the choaking. 

The General's difdalnM, 

By him one ftep below : he by the next t, 

That next by him beneath : fo every ftep 

Exampled by die firft pace, that is fick 

Of his fuperior, grows to an envious fever 

Of pale and bloodlefs emulation. 

Troy in our weaknefs ftands, not in her 

Moft wifely hath UlyfTes here difcovered 

The Fncr, wbtreof all ffur fowcr is fick, 

./He i (, k - /-***+ o.jJ>>icir as 


f>/*t*.ir in. hi<> WiYtn/ (rut fkt <Jc>nf<; ^ ' a* 



Think We, like frire weak Prince ; th' eternal caufs 
Prone, for his fav'rites, to revarfe his laws ? J^c?/>c 

f , ,. EMULATION, which is imitation and fome- 
^** thing more a defire not only to equal or re- 
ferable, but to excel, is fo natural a movement 
of the human heart, that, wherever men are to 
be found, and in whatever manner affociated or 
connecled, we fee its effects. They are not more 
affected by it, as individuals, than they are in 
communities. There are rivalries between every 
little fociety in the fame city between families 
and all the connections by confanguinity andaffini- 
ty between trades, faculties, and pr of enrons- be- 
tween congregations, parifhes and churches be- 
tween fchools, colleges, and univeriities be- 
tween diftricts, villages, cities, provinces and na- 
A //, > i National rivalries are more frequently the caufe 

11 0.UO**'**-*' ,. , ... c -n ^i 

of wars than the ambition or rnimlters, or the 
ir* pride of kings. As long as there is patriotifm, 
there willbe national emulation, vanity and pride. 
It is national pride which commonly ftimulates 
kings and minifters. National fear, apprehen- 
iion of danger, and the neceility of felf-clefence, 
is added to fuch rivalries for wealth, confidera- 
tion and power. The fafety, independence, and 
exiftence of a nation, depends upon keeping up 
an high fenfe of its own honor, dignity and pow- 
er in the hearts of its individuals, and a lively 
jealoufy of the growing power and afpiring am- 


bition of a neighbouring State This is well il- 
luftrated in the Political Geography, publiihed 
in our newfpapers from London, within a iew 
weeks. "The jealoui ; cs and enmities, the alli- 
ances and friendihips, or rather the combinations 
of different States and Princes, might almoft 
be learned from a map, without attention to 
what has paffed, or is now palling in the world. 
Next neighbours are political enemies.: States be- 
tween which a common neighbor, and therefore 
a common enemy intervenes, are good, friends. 
In this refpect Europe may be compared to a 
chefs board, marked with the black, and with the 
white ipots of political diicord and concord. 
Before the union between England and Scotland, 
a friendihip and alliance fubiifted for centuries, 
between the latter of thefe kingdoms and France, i "*.' v 
becaufe they were both inimical to England. For^* ^> " vt 
a like reaibn, before a Prince of Bourbon, in the 
beginning of the prefent century, was raifed to 
the Spamfli throne, a good underftanding fubfift- 
ed for the moft part, between England and Spain, 
and before the late alliance, there was peace and 
kindnefs, with little interruption, for the fpace 
of centuries, between England and the Emperor. 
An alliance has long iul- lilted between the French 
and the Turks, on account of the intervening do- 
minion of the Auftrians. , The Swedes were long 
the friends of France, on account of the inter- 
vention of Holland and Denmark and becaufe 
Sweden, the friend of France, was fituated in the 
neighborhood of the Ruffian territories, a friend- 
ihip and commercial intercourie was efiablimed, 
from the very firft time that Mufcovy appears on 
the political theatre of Europe, between England 
and Ruilia. It is fuperfluous to multiply inftan- 



ces of this kind. All paft hiftory and prefent ob- 
fervation will confirm the truth of our pofition 
which, though very fimple, is like all other 
fimple truths, of very great importance for, 
however the accidental caprices and paflions of 
individual Princes, or their minifters, may alter 
the relative difpofltions and interefts of nations 
for a time, there is a natural tendency to revert 
to the alteration already defcribed. We hive 
been led into thefe reflections by the treaty of- 
feniive and defenfive, that has been formed be- 
tween Sweden, Prufiia. and the Sublime Porte 
between Pruflia and Holland and the report 
which is very probable, that a treaty offenfi ve and 
defenfive is on the point of being concluded be- 
tween Turkey and Poland. In this chain of al- 
liances we find the order of the chefsboard ad- 
hered to, in feme inftances, but pafled over in 
others. It is obferved there fhould be an alli- 
ance between Ruflia and Sweden and alfo that 
there mould be an alliance between Poland and 
Turkey, becaufe Ruflia intervenes between Tur- 
key and Sweden, and Hungary between Turkey 
and Poland-^but that there fliould be an alliance 
between Poland and Pruflia is owing to particu- 
lar and accidental circumilances. The two for- 
mer alliances may therefore be expected to be 
Jafting-rr-the latter to be only temporary and pre- 
carious. In general the chain of alliance, that 
is formed or forming, among the Swedes, Pruf- 
lians, Poles, Dutch, Turks, and we may fay the 
Englifh, is a moft ftriking proof, of the real or 
fuppofed ftrength and influence of the two impe- 
rial courts of Ruflia and Germany." 

The writer of this paragraph might have added 
the alliance between England and Portugal, and 



between the United States of America and 
France. The principle of all thefc examples is 
as natural as emulation, >and as infallible as the 
iincerity of intereft. On it, turns the whole fyf- 
tem of human The Congrcfs of 1 776 were 

fully aware of it. With .,o fmall degree of vc- 
hemence, was it urged, as an argument for the 
declaration of Independence : with confidence 
~nd firmncfo \vasir. foretold, that France could not 
avoid accepting the proportions that mould bc<J, r a>tc /i#* 
made to her : that the Court of Verfailles could /%.vo*/> rt-*> <** 
not anfwer it, to her own fubjects, and that all^ adu&^l*?* 
Europe would pronounce her blind, loft and un- , 

J 'CO. o. ' r c r ^r 6v &** " ^* & 

done 9 ir ihe rejected fo fair an opportunity of dif- . 

embarrafllng herfeif, from the danger of fo pow- 'rf^ J *~ ' 
erful and hoftile a rival^ whofe naval fuperiority 
lield all her foreign dominions, her maritime 
power and commercial intereft, at mercy. 

But why ail this of Emulation and Rivalry ? 
Becaufe, as the whole hiftory of the civil wars of 
France, given us by Davila, is no more than a 
relation of rivalries, fucceeding each other in a 
rapid feries, the reflections we have made will 
ailift us, botli to underfland that noble hiftorian, 
and to form a right judgment of the ftate of af- 
fairs in France at the prefent moment. They 
will fuggeft alfo to Americans^ efpecially to thole 
who have been unfriendly, and may be now luke- 
warm to their national Conftitution, fomeufeful 
enquiries, fuch as thofe for examples : Whether 
ttere are not emulations, of a fenous complex- 
ion among ourfelves ? between cities and univer- 
iities ? between North and South ? The Middle 
and the North ? The Middle and the South ? 
between one ftate and another ? between the go- 
vernments of States and the National Govern- 
ment ? 


ment ? and between individual patriots and he-* 
roes in all thefe ? What is the natural remedy 
againft the inconveniences and dangers of thefe 
rivalries ? Whether a well-balanced Conftitu- 
tion fuch as that of our Union purports to be, 
ought not to be cordially fupported, till its de- 
fects, if it has any, can be corrected, by every 
good citizen, as our only hope of peace, and our 
ark of iafety ? But it muft be left to the con- 
templations of our State Phyficians to difcover 
the caufes and the remedy of that " fever, whereof 
cur power is Jkk" One quefticn only ihall be 
refpectfully iniinuated ; Whether equal laws, 
the refult only of a balanced government, can e- 
ver be obtained and p refer ved without fome iigns 
or other of diflinciion and degree ? 

We are told that our friends, the National Af- 
fembly of France, have abolifhed all diftinctions, 
But be not deceived, my dear countrymen. Im- 
poffibilities cannot be performed. Have they le- 
ktJ. veiled all fortunes, and equally divided all pro- 
* P ert y - ? Have they made all men and women e- 
IV 11^ Dually \vife, elegant, and beautiful? Have they 
' - " annihilated the names of Bourbon and Montmo- 
rency, Rochefoucalt and Noailles, La Fayette and 
La Moignon, Neckar and de la Calonne, N'drabeau 
and Bailey ? Have they committed to the flames 
all the records, annals andhiflories of the nation ? 
All the copies of Mezerai, Daniel, de Thou, 
Veilly, and a thoufand others ? Have they burned 
all their pictures, and broken all their flatues ? 
Have they blotted out of all memories, the names, 
places of abode, and illuftrious actions of all their 
anceftors ? Have thev not ftill Princes of the firft 

<* . 

and fecond order. Nobles and Knights ? Have 
they no record nor memory who are the men, 



Wno compofc the prefcnt National Affembly ? 
Do they wifli to have that dfftincticn forgotten ? 
Have the French officers who ferved in America 
melted their Eagles, and torn their ribbons ? 

No. 14* 

*77j- with our judgments as our 

Co j:ij} sitk?,yi each believes bis own. 

ALL the miracles enumerated in our laft num- 
ber, mud be performed in France, before all dif- 
tinftions can be annihilated, and diftincHons \\\ 
abundance would be found, after all, for French 
gentlemen, in the hiftory of England, Holland, 
Spain, Germany, Italy, America, and all other 
countries on the globe. 

The wifdom of nations has remarked the uni- 
Verfal confederation paid to wealth ; and that the 
paflion of avarice, excited by it, produced trea- 
chery, cowardice, and a felfifh unfocial meannefs, 
but had no tendency to produce thofe virtues of 
patience, courage,fortitude, honor, or patriotifm, 
which the fervice of the public required in their 
citizens, in peace and war. 

The wifdom of nations has obferved, that ths 
general attention paid to birth, produced a diffe- 
rent kind of fentiments ; thofe of pride in the 
maxims and principles in religion, morals and go- 
vernment, as well as in the talents and virtues 
which firil produced illuftr^tion to anceftors. 




As the pride of wealth produced nothing but 
meannefs of fentiment, and a fordid fcramble for 
money ; and the pride of birth produced forric 
degree of emulation in knowledge and virtue ; 
the wifdom of nations has endeavoured to employ 
one prejudice to counteract another j the preju- 
dice in favor of birth, to moderate, correct, and 
reflrain the prejudice in favor of wealth. 

The National AfTembly of France is too enlight- 
ened a body to overlook. the enquiry. What ef- 
fect on the moral character of the nation would 
be produced, by deftroying, if that were pofllble, 
all attention to families, and fetting all the paf- 
fions on the purfuit of gam. Whether univer- 
fal venality, and an incorrigible corruption in e- 
lections would not be the neceffary confequence. 
It may be relied on, however, that the intentions 
of that auguft and magnanimous affembly, are 
mifunderftood and liiifreprefented. Time will 
develope their deiigns, will {hew them to be more 
judicious than to attempt imp'oflibilities fo obvi- 
ous, as that of the abolition of all diftinctions. 

ALPHONSUS the tenth, the aftronomical king 
of Caftile, has been accufed of impiety, for faying 
that " if, at the time of the creation, he had been 
called to the councils of the divinity, he could 
have given fome tifeful advice, concerning the 
motions of the liars/' It is not probable, that a- 
ny thing was intended by him, more than an hu- 
morous farcafm, or a fneer of contempt, at the 
Ptolemaic fyftem, a projection of which he had 
before him. But if the National Affembly mould 
have ferioufly in contemplation, and mould re- 
folve in earned the total abolition of all diftinc- 
tions and orders, it would be much more difii- 
eultto vindicate them from an accufation of im- 



piety. God, in the conftitution of nature, has 
ordained that every man mall have a difpolition 
to emulation, as well as imitation, and confe- 
quently a pillion for diftinction, and that all 
men {hall not have equal means and opportuni- 
ties of gratifying it. Shall we believe the Na- 
tional Atlembly capable of refolving that no man 
{hall have any deiire of diftinction ; or that all 
men {hall have equal means of gratifying it ? - 
Or that no man mall have any means of gratify- 
ing it ? What would this be better than faying, 
*' if we had been called to the councils of the ce- 
leftials, we could have given better advice in the 
conftitution of human nature ?" If nature and 
that allembly, could be thus at variance, which 
however is not credible, the world would foon 
fee, which is the moft powerful. . ^ 

That there is already a fciffion, in the National JljrtitA ** . 
Aflembly, like all others, paft, prefent, and to 
come, is moft certain. There is an ariftocratical 
party, a democratical party, an armed neutrality, 
and moft probably a monarchial party : befides 
another divifion, who muft finally prevail, or li- 
berty will be loft : I mean a fet of members, who 
are equal friends to monarchy, ariftrocracy, and 
democracy, and wifti for an equal independent 
mixture of all three in their conftitution. Each 
of thefe parties has its chief, and thefe chiefs are 
or will be rivals. Religion will be both the ob- 
ject and the pretext of fome : liberty, of others : 
fubmiflion and obedience of others : and level- 
ing, downright levelling, of not a few. But the 
attention, conlideration and congratulations of 
the public, will be the object of all. Situation 
and oflice will be aimed at by fome of all parties. 
Contclts and diflentions will arife between thefe 
runners in the lame race. r lhe natural and ufuaL 
j, progrefs, 


progrefs, is, from debate in- the affembly to dif- 
cuflions in print ; from the fearch of truth and 
public utility in both, to fophiftry and the fpirit 
of party : Evils fo greatly dreaded by the ingenu- 
ous " Citizen of New-Heaven/' to whom we 
, v ,, have now the honor of paying our firft refpects, 
;T w<U ' fK hoping that hereafter we may find an opportu- 
rrv J^A'n nity to make him our more particular compli- 
*..,. ments.* From fophiftry and party fpirit, the 

tranfition is quick and eafy to falfhood, impof- 
fh^jeWcHciv ture, and every fpecies of artificial evolution and 
a,t Lara,' /t,/- criminal intrigue. As unbalanced parties of 
every defcription, can never tolerate a free en- 
in* Aaqt &nt( quiry of any kind, when employed againft them- 
/uru tt tk< felves, the licence, and even the moft temperate 
; t freedom of the prefs, foon excites refentment and 

^'UCQvinixctJ revenge. A writer, -unpopular with an oppofite 
n ton m A/> v? P art y? becaufe he is too formidable in wit or argu- 
h t- inent, may firft be burnt in effigy: or a printer 

. J< * may have his office affaulted : cuffs and kicks, 

boxes and cudgels, are heard of, among plebeian 
ftatefmen ; challenges and fingle combats among 
' 7 the ariftocratic legrflators Riots and feditions 
at length break men's bones, or flea off their Ikins. 

CT J (' f t 

\ K. JYmic.s Lives are loft: and when blood is once drawn, 
J L *h men, like other animals, become outrageous : If 

71 d t one party has not a fuperiority over the other, 
clear enough to decide every thing at its pleafure, 
a civil war enfues. When the nation arrives at 
this period of the progrefiion, every leader, at 
the head of his votaries, even if you admit him 
Vv r< ,iuv/ t o have the beft intentions in the world, will find 
9 t o l hi m] ktf compelled to form them into fome milita- 
ry arrangement, both for offence and defence ; to 

i, build 

* Alluding to four Letters pubiiflied about that time, by Condorcet , 
who called himfelf a Citizen of New Heaven, in which he recommended 
a Government iu a Single Atrsmbly, which was accordingly adopted, aud 
ruined France. 


build caftles and fortify eminences, like the feudal 


Barons. For ariftocratical rivalries and demo- 
cratical rivalries too, when unbalanced againft 
each other, by fome third mediating power, natu-. 
rally and unfailingly produce a feudal fyftem. 
If this fhould be the courie in France, the poor, 
deluded, and devoted partizans would foon be 
fond enoucrh of decorating their leaders, with 

O O ' 

the old titles of dukes, marquiffes and counts, or 

doing any thing elfe, to increafe the power of J(( fob jo 

their commander over themfelves, to unite their {^ i Q f , 

wills and forces for their own fafety and defence,*" 

or to give him weight with their enemies. * 

The men of letters in France, are wifely re- v ' ^ '~ 
forming one feudal fyftem; but may they not & 
unwifely, lay the foundation of another ? A le- 
giflature in one affembly, can have no other ter- 
mination than in civil diflention, feudal anarchy, 
or Umple monarchy. The beft apology which 
can be made for their frefh attempt of a fove- 
reignty in one affembly, an idea at leaft as ancient 
in France as Stephen BoetiitSj is, that it is only in- 
tended to be momentary. If a fenate had been 
propofed, it muft have been formed, moft proba- 
bly of Princes of the blood, Cardinals, Arch- 
bimops, Dukes and Marquiffes, and all thefe to- 
gether would have obftrucled the progrefs of the 
reformation in religion and government, and 
procured an abortion, to the regeneration of 
France. Pennfylvania eftablimed her iingle af- 
fembly in 1776, upon the fame principle. An 
apprehenfion that the Proprietary and Quaker 
interefts would prevail, to the election of charac- 
ters difaffected to the American caufe, finally pre- 
ponderated againft two legiflative councils. Penn- 
lylvania, and Georgia, who followed her example, 
have found by experience, the neceffity of a 


* This has all been accompUflied ia the new E:npcror Napoleon. 1804. 

to ex<^~ V^/> 


change : and France, by the fame infallible prog- 
refs of reafoning, will difcover the fame necefllty : 
Happy indeed, if the experiment mall not coft 
t ! <*TL i ^ er more dear. That the fubject is conlidered 
in this light, by the beft friends of liberty in 
Europe, appears by the words of Dr. Price, lately 
published in this paper. " Had not the arifto- 
jr ,. ^ a J^-^cratical and clerical orders," fays that fage and 
,. amiable writer, " have been obliged to throw 
,themfelves into one chamber with the commons, 
no reformation could have taken place, and the 
e<. "regeneration of the kingdom would have been 
-. . ,, /2 ^ impoflible. And in future legiflatures, were 
thefe two orders to make diftinct and independent 
f ftates, all that has been done would probably be 
. foon undone. Hereafter, perhaps, when the new 
constitution, as now formed, has acquired ftrength 
' by time, the National AiTembly may find it prac- 
ticable as well as expedient, to cftablim by means 
of a third Eftate, fuch a check, as now takes place 
in the American government, and is indifpenlible 
in the Britifh government."* 

No. 15. 

Firft follow nature, and your judgment frame 
By her juft ftandard, which is Rill the fame. 

THE world grows more enlightened : Know- 
ledge is more equally diffuled : News-papers, 
Magazines, and circulating libraries, have made 
mankind wifer : Titles and diftinclions, ranks 


* It is to he lamented that the Do&or had not lived to l8^ s to fee the 
errors imo which his hoodleuthufiafm beiraytd him, 


and orders, parade and ceremony, are all going J{tad lh> " l 
out of faihion. This is roundly and frequently ; fin sift* 1-t 
aflcrted in the ftreets, and fometimes on theatres 
of higher mnk. Some truth there is in it : and if/ 
the opportunity were temperately improved, to / V ( 2 <*** 6" 
the reformation of abufes, the rectification of er- 
rors, and the difllpation of pernicious prejudices, 
a great advantage it might be. But, on the o- 
ther hand, falfe inferences may be drawn from it, 
which may make mankind wim for the age of 
Dragons, Giants and Fairies. If all decorum, 
difcipline and fubordination are to be cleftroyed, 
and univerfal pyrrhonifm, anarchy, and iniecuri- 
ty of property are to be introduced, nations will 
foon wifli their books in ames, feck for uarknefs ./) CLpottpH 
and ignorance, fuperftition and fanaticifm, as /> ^ 
bleflings, and follow the ftandard of the firft mad , xn 
defpot, who, with the enthufiafm of another 
Mahomet, will endeavour to obtain them. 

Are riches, honors, and beauty going out of 
famion? Is not the rage for them, on the contra- 
ry, increafed falter than improvement, in know- 
ledge ? As long as cither of thefe are in vogue, , . 
will there not be emulations and rivalries ? l)oes_y/r?c ' n 
not the incrcafe of knowledge in any man, \n-qu*h ci -n 
creafe his emulation ; and the difFufiou of know- " '.'-*, 
ledge among men, multiply rivalries ? Has the 
progrefs of fcience, arts and letters, yet difcover- 
ed that there are no paflions in human nature ? 
No ambition, avarice or a defire of fame ? Are 
thefe paflions cooled, diminilhed or extinguiflied ? 
Is the rage for admiration lefs ardent in men or 
women ? Have thefe propenfities lefs a tendency 
to divifions, controverfies, feditions, mutinies, 
and civil wars, than formerly ? On the contrary, 
the more knowledge is diflufed, the more the 
paflions are extended, andth? more furious they 

grow ? 


grow ? Had Cicero lefs vanity, or Casfar lefs am- 
bition, for their vaft erudition r Had the King of 
Pruilia lefs of one, than the other ? There 
is no connection in the mind between fcience and 
paflion, by which the former can extinguifh or 
dkninifli the latter : it on the contrary fometimes 
increafes them, by giving them exercife. Were 
the paffions of the Romans lefs vivid, in the age 
f Pompey, than, in the time of Mummius ? Are 
thole of the Britons, more moderate at this hour 
than in the reigns of the Tudors ? Are the pafiions 
>f Monks, the weaker for all their learning ? Are 
not jealoufy, envy, hatred, malice and revenge, 
as well as emulation and ambition, as rancorous 
in the cells of Carmelites, as in the courts of 
Princes ? Go to the Royal Society of London ; 
is there lefs emulation for the chair of Sir Ifaac 
Newton, than there was, and commonly will be 
for all elective prefidencies ? Is there lefs animo- 
fity and rancour, arifing from mutual emulations 
in that region of fcience, than there is among 
the moft ignorant of mankind ? Go to Paris : 
Low do you find the men of letters ? united, 
friendly, harmonious, meek, humble, modeft, 
charitable ? prompt to mutual forbearance ? un- 
afTuming ? ready to acknowledge fuperior merit ? 
zealous to encourage the firft fymptoms of 
genius ? Afk Voltaire and Rofieau, Marmontel 
and De Mably.* 

The increafe and diilemination of knowledge, 
inftead of rendering unnecefParv, the checks of 

o * 

emulation and the balances of rivalry, in the or- 
ders of fociety and conftitution of government, 
augment the necefiity of both. It becomes the 


* The envy, jtaloufv, rivalries, faflions, cabals, intrigues and arrmnfu 
ties, arnoi2 :he men of letters in Paris, were as violent at lenfl as they 
were at Court, aud as furious, tim' not fo bloody as they were among the 
people and their povernrncn:, uciJtr any form of their variable ccailitu- 
eons t'rom 178610 1804. 


fnore indifpenfable, that every man fhouldknow 
his place and be made to keep it. Bad men in- 
creafe in knowledge as faft as good men, and 
fcience, arts, tafte, fenfe and letters, are employed 
for the purpofes of injuftice and tyranny, as well 
as thole of law and liberty ; for corruption as 
well as for virtue. 

FRENCHMEN ! Aft and think like yourfelves ! 
confcfling human nature, be magnanimous and 
wife. Acknowledging and boalting yourfelves 
to be men. avow the feelings of men. The 
feclation of being exempted from paffions, is in-^ -4// 
human. The grave pretention to fuch fingulari-//^ /y;^ 
ty is folemn hypocrify. Both are unworthy of s 

your frank and generous natures. Confider 
that government is intended to fct bounds to 
paffions which nature has not limited : and to 
aflift reafon, confcience, juflice and truth in con- 
trouling interefts, which, without it, would be 
as uniuft as uncontroulable. 

J A 

AMERICANS! rejoice, that from experience,^ +*<*< t a m ; 
you have learned wifdom : and inftead of whim- 
fical and fantaftical projects, you have adopted ay-</ 
promifing effay, towards a well ordered govera-^ . lld }ta #A 
ment. Inftead of following any foreign exam*( 
pie, to return to the kgijlation of confufion, ton-, fj^ ' % , 
template the means of reftoring decency, honeily \ ^ - lt t 
and order in fociety, by preiervinsf, and com- - 

'C i n i ii i c i rr 'ft l<ir 

pleating, ir any thing mould be round necerbry 
to compleat, the balance of your government,^ 
In a well balanced government, reafon, con- 7 "* ^ 
icience, truth and virtue mud be refpected by ali '^ 
parties, and exerted for the public good. Adveit^^^ A ^ 
to the principles on which you commenced that.. ! ^^4 -/, 
glorious felf defence, which, if you behave with &od jr&nt 
iteadinefs and coniiilency, mav ultimately loofeti ' 

-.11- c 11 i j i i 'n3' L 

the chains or all mankind. It vou will take the 

' ,, " " ' 

A fit v i v* *ti tr* * a-yi i if-'fi rtfi 

tit*'. <Aa\r/ru* f ~j*v ' 

' > 


trouble tu read over the memorable proceedings 
uf tne town of Bofton, on the 28th day of Octo- 
.. ^ bcr 1772, when the Committee of Correfpon- 

^ dcncc of twenty one perfons, was appointed to 

Itate the rights of the Colonifts as men, as chrift* 
fair //wW*- 115 an d as Objects, and to publifh them to the 
,-p world, with the infringements and violations of 

1,1. ^ cr ^ rt ^them, you will find the great principles of civil 
and religious liberty, for which you have con- 
d/- ^> wl ten ded ^ fuccefsfully, and which the world is 
it contending for after your example. I could 

tranfcribe with pleafure, the whole of this im- 
mortal pamphlet, which is a real picture of the 
m fn of liberty, rifing on the human race : but 
fhall felecb only a few words, more directly to the 
prefcnt purpofe. " The firft fundamental politive 
law of all commonwealths or ftates, is the eftab- 
lifliment of the legiflative power." Page 9. 
t " It is abfolutely neceflary, in a mixed govern- 

ment, like that of this Province, that a due pro- 
portion, or balance of power fhould be eftablifhed 
among the feveral branches of the legiflative. 
Our anceftors received from King William and 
Queen Mary, a charter, by which it was under- 
flood by both parties in the contract, that fuch a 
proportion or balance was fixed ; and therefore 
every thing which renders any one branch of the 
legiflative more independent of the other two, 
than it was originally defigned, is an alteration 
.of the Conftitution." 

J AMERICANS i In your Congrefs at Philadelphia, 
on Friday, the i4th day ef October, 1774, you 
laid down the fundamental principles, for which 
you were about to contend, and from which it 
is to be hoped you will never depart. For afiert- 

inof and vindicating vour rights and liberties, you 

o.o j i j 


' < 7 ; 



declared, "That by the immutable law*.(f>f^V 

ture, the principles of the Englifh Conftitution,,m *} 

and your fcveral charters or compacts, you were >i/ui y rafn/n b 

entitled to life, liberty and property : that youf * 
n .11 ,11 i T-L ' AKc u 

anceitors were entitled to all the rights, liberties . 

and immunities of free and natural born fubjects-"' 

in England : that you, their defcendants, were 

entitled to the exercife and enjoyment of allfuch ^ ^ 

of them as your local and other circumftances,' s tf * *T' 

Enabled you to exercife and enjoy. That $&$".#**'' 

foundation of Englifh liberty, and of all free^, >.A ;'n<>. c<w-- 

governments, is, a right in the people, to partici- 

pate in their legiflative council. That you were 

entitled to the common law of England, and 

more efpecially to the great and ineftimable u 

privilege of being tried by your peers of the vici- 

nage, according to the courfe of that law. That 

it is indifpcnfdbly neceffary to good government ^ and 

rendered effentialby the Englijh Conftitution, thai the 

conftituent branches of the legijlature^ be independent f 

of each other." Thefe, among others, you theii " 

claimed, demanded and infifted on, as your in- 

dubitable rights and liberties. Thefe are the 


principles, on which you firft united and affocia- 
ted, and if you fteadily and conlillently maintain 
them, they will not only fecure freedom and 
happinefs to yourfclves and your pofterity, but 
your example will be imitated by all Europe, and 
in time perhaps by all mankind. The^uations 
are in travail, and great events muft hav^JMrth. 
" The minds of men are in movement from the 
Bcrifthenes to the Atlantic. Agitated with new 
and ftrong emotions, they fwelhmd heave beneath 
oppreflion, as the feas within the polar circle., at 
the approach of fpring. The genius of philcfo- 
phy, with the touch of IthuriePs fpear, is trying 
M the 


the cflablifhments of the earth. The variou* 
; forms of prejudice, fuperftition and fervility, ftart 
o up, in their true fhapes, which had long impofed 
; / upon the world, under the revered femblances of 

*' honor, faith and loyalty. Whatever is loofc 
muft be fhaken ; whatever is corrupted muft be 
>/}#// Jpt away; whatever is not built on the broad 
n *^h ' k^is * public utility, muft be thrown to the 
~ " ground. Obfcure murmurs g'ather and fwell into 
a tempeft ; the fpirit of enquiry like a fevere and 
ami f earc | im g wind, penetrates every part of the great 
body politic ; and whatever is unfound, what- 
ever is infirm, flirinks at the vifitation. Liberty, 
led by philofophy, difTufes her bleifings to every 
i **Jg* clafs of men ; and even extends a fmile of hope 
<&* /b XR( ^ promife to the poor African, the victim of 
hard impenetrable avarice. Man, as man, be* 
<?/. comes an object of refpeft. Tenets are transfer- 
from theory to practice. The glowing fen- 

.. . 

timent, the lofty ipeculation, no longer lerve 
dJ. <- . 

~, ' ' brought home to men's bufinefs and bofcms ; and 
h^. ^what fome centuries ago, it was daring but to 
.- // /: ^A"- t-ink, and dangerous to exprefs, is now realized 

and carried into effect. Syftems are analyfed 
'*' *? into their firft principles, and principles are fairly 

purfued to their legitimate confequences." 

This is all enchanting. But amidft our enthu- 
{iafm, there is great reafon to paufe, and preferve 
our fobriety. It is true, that the firil empire of 
the world is breaking the fetters of human reafon 
and exerting the energies of redeemed liberty. 
In the glowing ardor of her zeal, fhe condef- 
cends. AMERICANS, to pay the moft fcrupulous 
attention to your maxims, principles and exam- 
ple. There is reafon to fear {he has copied from 



you errors, which have coft you very dear. Vi c^j 

Afllft her, by your example, to rectify them be- f.^^^< -i ^ 
fore they involve her in calamities, as much * 
greater than yours, as her population is more--" ^"* * 
unwieldy, and her fituation more expofed to the /fr/3, ^ rl ' 
baleful influence of rival neighbours. Amidil all t&i-*.'* ^"^ f -. 
their exultations, AMERICANS and FRENCHMEN /, , / fk*-~* "-< 
fliould remember, that the perfectability of man,* *" ; . /? ^ 
is only human and terreftial pcrfcctability. Cold. *>//A 
will Hill freeze, and fire will never ceafe to burn : , r T ,,/, *>'' </ ^" k- 
difeafe and vice will continue to diforder, and 
death to terrify manV'-.J.. Emulation next to 2 3 
felf prefervation wil 7 forever be the great fpring 
of human actions, and the balance of a well or- 
dered government, will alone be able to prevent 
that emulation from degenerating into dangerous 
ambition, irregular rivalries, deftruclive factions, 
wafting feditions, and bloo dy ciyilwars. /, 7 

The great queftion will forever remain, who }-fo fh& 
Jhall work ? Our fpecies cannot all be idle. Lei- 
fure for iludy muft ever be the portion of a few. 
The number employed in government, mufl for- 
ever be very fmall. Food, raiment and habita- 
tions, the indifpeniible wants of all, are not to 
be obtained without the continual toil of ninety- 
nine in an hundred of mankind. As reft is rap- 
ture to the weary man, thofe who Libo*- little 
will always be envied by thofe who labor much, 
though the latter, in reality, be probably the 
moft enviable. With all the encouragements 
public and private, which can ever be gi^en to 
general education, and it is fcarcely poffible they 
ihould be too many, or too great, the laboring 
part of the people, can never be learned, The 
controversy between the rich and the poor, the 
laborious and the idle, the learned and the igno- 


rant, diftinctions as old as the creation, and as 
extenfive as the globe ; diftinctions which no art 
or policy, no degree of virtue or philofophy can 
ever wholly deftroy, will continue, and rivalries 
will fprirg out of them. Thefe parties will be 
reprefented in the legislature, and muft be bal- 
anced, or one will opprefs the other. There will 
never probably be found, any other mode of 
eftablifhing fuch an equilibrium, than by confti- 
tuting the reprefentation of each, an independent 
branch of the legiflature, and an independent 
executive authority, fuch as that in our govern- 
ment, to be a third branch, and a mediator or an 
arbitrator between them. Property muft be fe- 
cured, or liberty cannot exift : but if unlimited 3 
or unballanced power of difpofing property, be 
put into the hands of thofe, who have no pro- 
perty, France will find, as we have found, the 
lamb committed to the cuftody of the wolf. In 
fuch a cafe, all the pathetic exhortations and ad- 
drefles of the National Affernbly to the people, to 
refpect property, will be regarded no more than 
the warbles of the fongfters of the foreft. The 
great art of law-giving confifts in balancing the 
poor againft the rich in the legiflature, and in 
conftituting the legiflative, a perfect balance a- 
gainfl the executive power, at the fame time, 
that no individual or party can become its rival, 
The efTence of a free government confifts in an 
effectual controul of rivalries. The executive 
and the legiflative powers are natural rivals ; and 
if each, has not an effectual controul over the 
other, the weaker, will ever be th<* lamb in the 
paws of the wolf. The nation which wil not 
adopt an equilibrium of power, muft adopt a 
defpotifm, There is no other alternative. Ri- 



valries muft be controuled, or they will throw- 
all things into confuiion ; and there is nothing 
but deipotifm, or a balance of power, which can 
controul them. Even in the {imple monarchies, 
the nobility and the judicatures, conflitute a bal- 
ance, though a. very imperfect one, againft the 
royalties. A Jt . 

Let us conclude with one reflection more, 
which mall barely be hinted at, as delicacy, if not ..> ^ 
prudence, may require, in this place, fome degree ., , 
ofreferve. Is there a poflibility, that the gov-V/>AiVJ m^ 
ernment of nations may fall into the hands of 
men, who teach the moft difconfoiate of all 
creeds, that men are but fire-flies, and that this all 
is without a father ? Is this the way, to make 
man, as man, an object of refpect ? Or is it, to 
make murder itfelf , as indifferent as mooting a 
plover, and the extermination of the Rohilla na- 
tion, as innocent, as the fwallowing of mites, on 
a morfel of cheefe ? If fuch a cafe mould happen, 
would not one ofthefe, the moft credulous of all 
believers, have reafon to pray, to his eternal na- 
ture, or his almighty chance, (the more abfurdity 
there is in this ad irefs the more in character) 
give us again the gods of the Greeks give us again 
the more intelligible as well as more comfortable fys 
terns of Athanajius and Calvin nay, give us again 
our Popes and Hiearchies, Benediftines and Jefuits 9 
with all their fuperftition and fanaticifm^ impqftures 7f , ( / / ' c A 
end tyranny. A certain Dutchefs of venerable *L ^ 
years and mafculine underftanding, (aid of fome^/? JinuMl * 
of the Philofophers of the eighteenth century, J/c/ 
admirably well, " On ne croit pas, dans le Chrift- v $ //Ac tt-*. 
Unifme, mais on croit, toutesles fottifespofTibles.", .^/k/w/W/ 

7/1* . fltiih ov heard fa $t Jlf&rdJ jLr&im 7kti{ oAr.y// < 



(Ji.rti'e* <-n &r UffnJ oj>f>**t<A V France a 


No. i6. 

Oppofant, fans reluche, avec trop de prudence, 
Les GK.'/^/ aux CondJs, et la France a la France. 
Toujours prete a s'unir avec ies ennemis 
tt changeant d'interet, de rivaux, et d'amls. 

4*3. THE rivalry, between the houfes of Guife and 
rr ^Montmorency, or in other words, the ambition 
of the Cardinal de Lorrain, and the Duke o 
Guife, to outftrip the Montmorency, produced a 
(, h cwL* &. war. Charles the Vth. was preparing with a 
numerous army to lay fiege to Metz. It was not 
doubted that the conducl of fo important a war, 
would be committed to one of the two favorites. 
, ^ But the Conftable Montmorency, more than 

fixty years of age, preferred a refidence near the 
'perfon of the King, to a rifque of his reputation, 
/ in new dangers. The Duke of Guife, on the 
Li LLI!>I ' contrary, full of courage, and burning with ardor 

" to diilinguifh himfelf, folicited the command, 

with the more vivacity, as he faw no other re- 
fource than in military fuccefTes, to efface the 
credit, and eclipfe the glory of the Conftable. He 
was therefore charged with the defence of Metz, 
with the confent, or at leaft, without the oppofi- 
tion of the Conftable, who internally, was not 
difpleafed to fee his competitor, expofe his life, 
or his reputation to danger. The Duke fulfilled 
perfectly, the idea, which had been conceived of 
his valor and prudence uncertain as the fuccefs 
of the enterprife had been, he came out of it vic- 
(l> torious, and covered with glory. This great 
action did him fo much honor with the King, and 


diet t^rtfittc-, 


tKe whole nation, that they committed to him, 
in preference of all others, the comni.u.d u: the 
army, whieh they lent afterwards to Italy, to ve- ., . 
conquer the kingdom of Naples, l-'.ither by the ^"*/ 
fault of the French, or the inconftancy of their 
allies, this expedition failed, or, at lealt produced 
little advantage : Yet the ill fuccefs was not im- ' ^ 
puted to the Duke, who drew from it mor^ 
glory than he could have done from a viclory . 
For this rcafon : Philip the i'econcl Kinff of . f/ff 

/If / ' 

Spain, upon the abdication cf his father, Charles JfoAta&ffn. 
the Vth. turned his arms againft the frontiers of 6 l ha 
France, and entered through Flanders into Pi- 
cardie, to make a diverlion from the war in Italy. 
The Conftable, as Governor of that Province, was 
then obliged to take leave of the King, and, 
againft his inclination, run the hazards of war. , 

The lofs of the battle of Saint-Quintin, where Jc3ut 
the Spaniards took him priibner, f'prcad a cou- 
fternation through all the neighbouring provm- u**/'**"'' 
ces. The friends ot the Guiles in council, could A 
difcover no furer means of repelling this inva- 
fion of the enemy, of repairing the loiles, 
and preventing the confcquenccs of this defeat, 
than by recalling from Italy the Duke of Guile. 
The celerity of his return, added to the memora- 
ble conquefts of Calais, Guifne, and Thionville, 
fully juitified thefe hopes, and gave hirrTthat fii-fyuif *-.. 
perionty over the Conftable, that a Conqueror'^Tu an 
muft ever have over one who is conquered. 

The Conftable, however, obtained his liberty, 
and returned to court. The Kind's aiTjdion tor 

him was not abated. Henry, attributing his late 
misfortunes to the lot of arms, and the fortune 
of war, converted familiarly with him, and, itill 
convinced of his capacitv, confided to him the 

4 * 

weight of public affairs. In the critical circum- 



fiances of the State, the Duke and the Cardinal^, 
who had acquired a great reputation, the one by 
his exploits, and the other by his abilities, appre* 
hended that if they could not throw fome pow- 
erful obilacle in the way of the Conftable, he 
would rife higher in favor than ever. They re- 
Iblved therefore to gain to their party, Diana, 
Dutchefs of Valentinois to conned their in- 
terefts with hers and to make her protection 
and favor ferve as a foundation of their elevation. 
And who was Diana ? Of illuftrious birth, de- 
fcended from the ancient houfe of the Counts of 
iPoitiers, in the flower of her age, Ihe united 
with uncommon beauty, a fprightly wit, an acute 
and fubtle underflanding, the moft iniinuating 
graces of behavior, and all the other qualities 
which in a young woman, enchant the eyes and 
' -( oi ca P^ vate the heart* She had married the Sene- 

/ Achal of Normandy, who foon left her a widow, 
C _' *<*<'* . ' ' , ' c 

fi _/rV>~-O vl t n two daughters. She took advantage or 
ner fingle ftate to deliver herfelf up to the pleaf- 
ures and amufements of the Court. Her charms 
fir i- / ~J g am d the heart of the King, whom me govern- 
l ed with an abfolute empire. But me behaved 
with fo much arrogance, and appropriated to 
herfelf the riches of the crown, with fo much a- 
vidity, that Ihe made herfelf odious and infup- 
portable to the whole kingdom. The Queen, 
full of indignation, to have a rival fo powerful, 
behaved towards her with an exterior decency, 
but in her heart bore her an implacable hatred. 
o-i., fr^f ^ The nobility, whom me had ill treated in the 
' perfons of ieveral gentlemen, could n,ot with pa- 
tiep.ce, fee themfelves trampled under foot by the 
pride of a woman and the people detefted her 
avarice to which they imputed the ligorous 
Tt.Qf>*- t impofts, with which they were loaded. 



The Guiles, without regard to the general 
difcontent ieniible only to the fear of lofing 
their power, fought the friendfliip of the Dutch- 
efs, who foon declared herfelf openly in their 
favor, and by marrying one of her daughters to ,. 

the Duke of Aumale, their brother, fupported J. of- 
them with all her credit. The Conftable eafily (k-rol*<"of /* 
unravelled the intrigues of the Guiles, and, not 
depending on the marks of confidence which he 
received from the King, thought to fortify him- 5 t a 
felf, equally, with the protection of Diana. If 
the Guifes had flattered her, by the fplendor of 
their birth, he did not defpair to gain her to his 
intereft, by fathting her avarice, a paliion as un * 
governable in her heart, as ambition. He began 
to make his court to her, and endeavored to 
gain her by considerable prefents. He had fo 
much at heart the fuccefs of his meafures, that 
in fpite of his natural pride, he did not hefitate 
to feek alfo her alliance by efpoufing to Henry M 
Lord of Damville, his fecond fon, Antoinette de t 

la Mark, grand daughter by the mother, of the 
Dutchefs of Valentinois a refolution fo much* $* 
the more imprudent, as Diana was already i 
ftrictly united with the party of the Guifes, and 
labor'd lincerely, with all her power, for their 
aggrandizement whereas me favored but coldly 
the defigns of the Conftable. All the means 
which had been employed in opposition to the 
elevation of the Guiles, became ufelefs. To the 
merit of their fervices to the intrigues by 
which they had continually advanced themfelves ; 
at the time, when they difputed with fo much 
vivacity with their rivals, for the firft rank at 
the Court, was added, the marriage of Francis, 
the Dauphin of France, and the eldef: fon of the 


1 V i ! // ^ n o' w ^^ t ' ie P rmce f s Mary, fole heir of thtf 
' kingdom of Scotland, daughter of James Stuart* 
W/?*^ late i y deceafed, by Mary of Lorrain, lifter of the 
Burned f f Duke and Cardinal. An alliance of fo much 
. cr ! r magnificence, drew them near to the throne. 
AT There remained now, to the Conftable and his 
J < family, only the friendly fentiments, which the 
Kmg prefervedfor them by habit; and. to the 
other courtiers, only the offices of fmaller impor- 
tance. The principal dignities, the faireft gov- 
ernments, and the general fuperintendance of 
affairs, civil and military, all were placed in the 
hands of the Guifes and their creatures. 

While all minds, were held in agitation at 
Court by thefe events, the Bourbons faw them- 
felves, notwithstanding their proximity of blood, 

_- w w * 4 -** y i^j A 

A' a ( te f and pretenfions to the crown, contrary to the 
" * ufage of the nation, excluded from employments 
and honors. Except when the neceffity of a 
war, or the exercife of fome office of little confe- 
quence, which remained to them, required their 
prefence, they appeared not at Court. It is 
true, that the Count D'Aguien, one of the Princes 
fayutc-n o tllis houfe, had advanced himfelf by his merit 
and valour. The King had given him' the com- 
mand of his army in Piedmont. The battle of 

W* otfc$ Cerizolles, which he gained againft the Spaniards, 
had raifed his reputation. But this advantage 
was too tranfitory to raife the houfe of Bourbon. 
This Prince died by accident, in the flower of his 
age, and his brother, the Duke D'Anguien was 
W/it killed at the battle of St. Quintin. There re- 
mained therefore none of the children of Charles 
of Bourbon, but Anthony Duke of Vendome, 
and King of Navarre, by his marriage with Jane 
of Albret : Louis, Prince of Conde, the flock of 



the branches of Conde and Conti, killed after- 
wards at Jarnac, and Charles, Cardinal of Bour- 
bon, proclaimed King afterwards by the Leaguers, 
under the name of Charles the tenth. 

The chiefs of the houfe, were now, Anthony 
Duke of Vendome, and Louis Prince of Conde, 
his brother, both fons of Charles of Vendome, 
who, after the revolt of the Conftable de Bour- 
bon, and the captivity of Francis the firft, by 
his moderation and diiintereftednefs . had fome- 
what calmed the hatred which had been violent- 
ly enkindled againft thofe of his blood. Thefe 
Princes, depreffcd by the Guifes, whom they 
called ftrangers and new comers from Lorrain, 
complained bitterly, that except the right of fuc- 
cefllon to the crown, which no man could take 
from them, they were deprived of all their privi- 
leges, and efpecially of the honor of refiding near 
the perfon of the King. That they fcarcely held 
any rank in a court, where their birth called them 
to the firft places after his Majefty : and that 
fuch conduct was equally inconfiilent with reafon 
and equity. The King, however, maintained 
with inflexibility, the power of the Guifes againft 
all remonftrances and complaints. The Bourbons 
endured with lefs impatience, the elevation of 
the Conftable Montmorency : on the contrary, 
they were feverely mortified to fee his credit di- 
minifh. United with him by an alliance, by 
views and by interefts, they flattered themfelves 
they might obtain by his means a decent rank, if 
they could not re-afcend to that which their an- 
ceftors had poffeffed. But now, deprived of that 
hope which fupports the unfortunate, by foften- 
ing the fentiment of their ills, they bore with 
Hill greater impatience their difgraces. 



A it Anthony of Vendome, a Prince of a mild and 

moderate character, appeared to fupport them 
with more tranquility than the others, becaufe 
he meditated great defigns. He had married 
Jane of Albret, only daughter of Henry, King of 
Navarre, and after the death of his father in law 
he had taken the crown and title of King. His 
project was to recover his kingdom of Navarre, 
of which the Spaniards had made themfelves 
matters, for feveral years, during the war be- 
tween Louis the Xllth, and Ferdinand the Ca- 
tholic. The Kings of France, to whofe intereft 
this ftate had been facrificed, had attempted 
feveral times to reconquer it. The Spaniards, 
who could eafily march troops to its relief, had 
hitherto defended it. But the two crowns, 
being then upon the point of concluding a folid 
peace, the King of Navarre, hoped to comprehend 
in the treaty, and to obtain a reftitution of his 
hereditary ftates, or, at leaft, an equivalent. He 
was confirmed in this thought, by the birth of a 
Ion, to whom he gave the name of Henry, in 
memory of his maternal grandfather. This is 
the Prince, whom, the fplendor of his victories 
raifed, after long and bloody wars, to the throne 
il , of France, under the name of Henry the fourth, 

". and whofe exploits and virtues have merited the 

of , name of great. He was born the i3th ofDe- 
/3 Jtc /$$i cem ber, 1554, at Pau, the capital of Bern. This 
mJL ^ >CLU ^ birth, which filled with joy the King and Queen 
of Navarre, infpired them with more ardor, to 
recover their dominion. Anthony chofe rather 
to intereft the King of France, to demand this 
reftitution in the treaty of peace, than to folicit 
in quality of firft Prince of the blood, govern- 
ments and dignities in the kingdom. It was 




this, \vhich engaged him to diiTemble with more 

patience and moderation than the reft, the in- 

juftice done to his houie. The King, perfilling 

in the dciign of lowering continually the Princes 

of the blood, or perhaps irritated at the refuf xl 

of Anthony, to exchange Beam and his other 

ftates, for cities and territories fituated in the in- ^ tl 

terior of the kingdom, had difmembered from 

O 7 

Guienne, of which the King of Navarre was gov- f ^ 

ernor, as firft Prince of the blood, Languedcc 

and the city of Touloufe, to give the government 

of it, to the Conftable. But the King of Navarre, 

ihewing little rcientment of this injuftice, pur- 

fued conftantly his firft views. / ' /? ' 

Louis, Prince of Conde, brother to the King' 
of Navarre, full of ambition and inquietude,^ 
and not reftrained by fiimlar interefts, faw with 
grief the mediocrity of his fortune, anfwer fo ill 
to the fplendor of his birth. Without offices, 
governments, or employments to fupport him, 
he could not bear, but with a difcontent which 
he took no pains to conceal, the exceilive gran- 
deur of the Guifes, who monopolized for them- 
felves the firft dignities and faireft employments 
of the kingdom. To his perional mortification 
he joined the difgrace of the Conftable, whofe 
niece he had efpoufed. He was fo ftriclly con- 
nected with him, and the Marchal of Montmoren- 
cy his fon, that he faw in the humiliation of their 
houfe, the completion of his own misfortunes. 
The Admiral of Chatillon, and D'Endelot, his 
brother, irritated him ftill more by their advice. 
The firft was an ambitious, but an able politician, 
who took a fecret advantage of all occafions, to 
profit of troubles to raii'e himfelf to high power. 
The other, fiery, paiuonate, continually occupied 



in intrigues and plots, ceafed not, by his difcourfe 
and example to nourim in the heart of Louis, the 
hatred already too deeply inkindled. This 
Prince, transported with rage, and almoft redu- 
ced to defpair, faw no refource for him, but by 
caufing a revolution in the State. 

Such was the iituation of affairs fuch thejea- 
louiies and animcfitcs of the Grandees, ready, on 
the flighted occafion, to break out, in an open 
rupture, when, in the month of July 1559, hap- 
pened the unexpected death of Henry lid. killed 
U f ~^ by accident in a tournament by Gabriel Count 
of Montmorency, one of the Captains of his 

Francis lid. his eldeft fon, with a weak under- 
{landing, and a delicate conflitution, fucceeded 
him. Thole evils, which even under his father 
had been expected, haftened to make themfelves 
felt, under his feeble reign. Secret enmities 
were eafily changed into declared hatreds and 
recourfe was foon had to arms. The youth and 
imbecility of the King rendered him incapable of 
governing. It was neceflary that he mould have ; 
not a guardian, becaufe he had paffed the as;e of 

c 7 . r i r i . 

rourteen years, the term iixed for the majority 
of the Kings of France ; but Minifters, prudent 
and laborious, who fhouid govern under his au- 
thority, until time mould have fortified his un- 
derftanding, and invigorated his conftitution. 
The ancient ufage of the kingdom, called the 
Princes of the blood to this place and indicated 
the King of Navarre, and the Prince de Conde, 
who united to the proximity of blood, an eftab- 
lifhed reputation. The Duke of Guife and the 
Cardinal of Lorrain, uncles of the King, by his 
a / { (tt fa marriage with the Queen of Scots, pretended that 
' ^ ' this 




this honor belonged to them, in confideration Q^ 

O * l*^Y +* f- 

their long labors and fervices to the crown, but o-i J* cL+am 
efpecially bccaufe they had in fact enjoyed it, LJ^ /A* 

during the life of the late King. Catherine of / // 

Mcdicis, mother of the King, expected to govern ' t ^ 

alone : She depended on the filial tendernefs of 

her fon feveral examples authorifed her preten- 

fions but fhe founded her ftrengeft hopes on 

the diviilons of the Grandees and the terror of 

each faction, leafl the other mould carry the 

point, facilitated her defign. 

The Guifes were fenfible that they wanted the 
advantage of being of the blood, to which the 
laws and cuftoms of the nation had ufually confi- 
ded the government of the kingdom. They fore- 
faw moreover the empire which the councils of 
a mother would have over the mind of her fon, 
ftill young and without experience. They re- 
iblved therefore, by joining and acting in concert 
with her, to divide a power which they defpair- 
ed of obtaining entire. The Queen, a Princefs 
refined genius and mafculine courage, knew that^^ 1 ^ 
the Princes of the blood, fuffered with impatience^ 
the authority and grandeur of Queens. She 
thought alfo, that as a ftranger and an Italian me 
had occafion to fortify herfelf, with the fupport 
of fome faction. She confented therefore cheer- 
fully to combine with the Guifes, whom fhe faw 
difpofed to accept of part of that authority, 
which the Bourbons would have pretended to 
appropriate to thernfelves without partition. / 

There was but one obftacle to the intimacy of this 
Union, and that was the unlucky connection of 
the Guifes with the Dutchefs of Valentinois, who 
had poffcffed the heart of the late King, to the - 

time of his death. The occaficn was 'preiling, 

and l f>' 



and the importance of the bufmefs would not ad- 
mit of delay. On one hand the Queen, to whom 
diilimulation was not difficult, agreed to appear, 
to forget the pad, with the fame moderation 
which me had fliewn, in bearing with her rival 
during the life of her husband : On the other, 
the Guifes occupied wholly with their prefent 
intereft, eafily betrayed their friend, by c.onfent- 
,- ing that the Dutchefs Ihould be difgraced and 
<U diimiffed from the Court. They only required 
t j iat ft^ fl lou id not b e totally ftripped of thofe 
immenfe riches, which muft one day revert to 
the Duke of Aumale, their brother. 

The King of Navarre, was then abfent, and 
very difcontented with the King and the Court, 
who, in the treaty concluded with Spain, had 
given no attention to his interefts, nor to the 
reilitution of his States. The new coalition at 
Court, had, with great addrefs, dillembarraired 
f (rnitatu themfelves of the Conftable, by deputing him to 
c ' t ^ ie nonors f tne obfequies of Henry the 
fecond. The perfonage who has that com- 
miffion, muft not abfent himfelf from the place 
where the body is depofited, during the three 
and thirty days that the funeral pomp continues. 
Artifice and accident, having thus removed- the 
two great obftacles, it was not difficult to obtain, 
of Francis the fecond. feduced by the carefles and 
the charms of his Scctlilii Queen, an arrangement 
by which he placed the reins of government, in 
the hands of his neareit relations. Every thing 
which concerned the war, was committed to the 
Duke of Guife. The Cardinal had the depart- 
ments of Juftice and Finance and the Queen 
mother the fuperintendance of all parts 01 the 
government. To eftabHfh their meaiures, which 


a ,*(Mt. .'< ffm _^< n . ov- 

/e>iJ ^-fclSCOURSES ON DAVILA. *o>^ J^ Wr*/ 

had fo well fucceeded, and that the complaints 

and intrigues of the difaffeded might not fhakE 

the refolution of the King, and disarrange their, 

plan, there was no doubt but the firft ftroke df .,, , A 

their policy would fall upon the Conftable, whofe^ ^ ' 

prudence and credit were dreaded by the 

and againft whom the Queen had for 

time entertained a fecret averfion. The 

feared him, on account of the jealoufy, which 

for a long time had openly divided their houfes , ' 

becaufe, notwithftanding the fall of his favour at ^ n 6 . 

court, the reputation of his wifdom, preferved ^ /d> te , 

him a great influence throughout the whole king-^ 

dom. In their fecret interviews wi!h the King, c ?/v^j'" 

they artfully drew the converfation to this fub- ~ M 

jeft, and exaggerated to him the reputation \ 

which the Conftable enjoyed. 


No. 17. 

Ses mains, autour dn trone, avec confuflon, 
Semaient lajaloufie, et la divifion. 

- n / *t. r r * -*i 

e, Guiles, in their iecret conventions with 

the King, infmuated, that if the Conftable refided^'>^/^ 
at the Court, he would be alfaming ; \vould think j f * ^j ^ ftu 'JH 
to govern his Majefty like an infant, and even" y ctY% c i 

to hold him under the ferule and the rod. They ^ ^ke 

reprefented his intimate conneclions with the * 

Bourbons, the eternal enemies of a crown, tp(*.& 
which they had however long afpired. Finally,^ 
they fuggefted, that he could not confide in 
o '. 

*, ff'-r < . ~ 


f .. 

' i L'^V"^ *" ^* 

1 /A at ^ ^ Conftable, without expofing his life, and the 
/ lives of his brothers, to the difcretion of people, 

'Uyiy ^ " **^ -whofe ambition the Kings, his predecefibrs, had 
(TVrmA It" ^^^''always dreaded j and whom they had ever held 
/ Ik**- ^ n a ^- ate of humiliation, and at a diftance from 
Court. Penetrating genius eafily infpires fuf- 
picions into contracted minds. Nothing more 
^> wa s wanting to perfuade a weak King, to feek a 
HI J rfutf*. pretext, honourably to difmifs the Conftable. As 
^^^ foon as the ceremony of the obfequies of Henry 
jj^^ was CO mpleated, the King overwhelming him 
m*/ja<nrt t with car effes, fignified to him, that not being 
able, with fufficient dignity to acknowledge his 
merit, nor the value of the fervices which he had 
rendered the Kings, his anceftors, he had, refolv- 
ed to difcharge him from the cares and burthens 
of government, too difproportionate to his great 
age ; that he would no longer require of him, 
any exceflive application to bufmefs, but would 
referve him for fome occafions of eclat ; that he 
{hould always coniider him, not as a fervant and 
a fubject, but as a venerable father; and that he 
would give him leave to retire, wherever he faw 
&LuStJ *3utu.-H fi^ The Conftable eafily comprehended that this 
ri fit -iru * e fi n nacl been taught the King, by the Guifes, 
/' through the Queen mother, and the Queen of 
Scots: that it would be ufelefs to remonftrate; 
and that it was better to receive as a recompenfe, 
orders, which his refiftance might convert into 
difgrace, He thanked the King ; recommended 
to him his fons and his nephews, and retired to 
his caftle at Chantilly, ten leagues from Paris, 
where, he had more than once before, fupported 
viciffitudes of fortune. 

As foon as the Queen mother and the Guifes, 
had bammed the Conftable, they ftudied to dif- 



embarrafs themfelves of the Prince de Conde. 

It was eafy to forefee, that his fiery temper, Jf.Xt t iu*<~> and 

and animoftty againft the Guifes, would tranf- tk ou , r &on$ 

port him to attempt all the means imaginable, to^ 

change the form of government cftablijhed. 

It may be remarked in this place, that thefe ex- 
preflions intimate an idea of reformation of gov- 
ernment, and regeneration of nations, like thofe 
which prevail at this time, in France, and in 
many other countries after the example of A- 
merica. One would conjecture that the Prince 
of Conde, had it in contemplation to eftablifh, 
committees of correfpondence, to call a conven- 
tion, or national aflembly ; to deliberate on a ra- 
tional plan of government, to be adopted by the 
nation at large. There are, indeed, in hiftory, 
fome traces of a party, who wilhed for a republi- 
can government, about this time : but unfortu- 
nately, their ideas of a republic, appear to have 
been the fame, with thofe which prevail too much 
at prefent, in France. Two hundred and fifty 
years of experience, have not yet brought the 
nation to advert to the true principles in nature, / L A 
upon which government is founded. The Mar- ; '** 
quis of Condorcet, the friend of Turgot and^/- T unrjrt> 
Rochefoucault, fo great in geometry, is not more 
accurate in the fcience of government, than Eti- 

enne de la Boetie, the friend of De Thou and-^ v 


Montaine. The fame reformation is 
now, that was fo neceffary in 1550. ( Whether 
fovereignty in one fmgle aflembly,^conftituted / 

by a double^ representation, as the prefent affem- i.e. of 
bly'is, would have anfwered then, or will fucceed /k*V* s 
now, are queftions that hereafter may deferve 
confideration. It ended formerly, after an hun- 
dred years sf civil wars, in the fimple abfolute 



' monarchy of Louis XlVth. Time muft determine 
whether the continued deliberations and exer- 
tions of the National AiTembly, will finally obtain 
a balance in their government. This_js_the 
rt /- Si . point, on which their fuccefs will turn t if theV 

L I Ufa C U/TVi ( J f2*r 377=~V^r- -7-1 7= = ,-- ~ff 

iail in this, iimple monarchy, or what is more to 

M ] H J perfifted in, the men of letters and the National 
*? \ Affembly, as democratical as they may think 
' t*S a ^ themfelves, will find no barrier againit defpotifm. 
k. la h x-rfi* T k e p renc i 1? as we u as t j ie Creek Indians, 'at this 
1*.o.tu*> asrvi** t } me our re fp e ctable guefts, and all other nations, 
civilized and uncivilized, have their beloved 
families, and nothing but defpotifm ever did or 
ever can prevent them from being diftinguifhed; 
by the people Thefe beloved families in France 
are the nobility. Five eighths of the prefent 
National Affembly are noble. The firft frefli 
election will mow the world the attachment of 
the people to thofe families.* In ihort, the whole 
power of the nation will fall into their hands, 
and a commoner will ftand no chance for an 
election after a little time, unlefs he enlift himfelf 
under the banner and into the regiment of fome 
nobleman. For the commoners, this project of 
one affembly. is the moft impolitic imaginable. 
It is the higheft flight of ariftocracy. To the 
royal authority it is equally fatal as to the com- 
mons. In what manner the nobility ou^ht to 

Jhc Jsiood oi. , r i-r: j T. j- j j 

be reiormed., modified, methodized, and wrought 
by reprefentation or otherwife, into an indepen- 
dent branch of the legilkture ? What form of 
government would have been beft for France, 
under Francis lid. and whether the fame is not 


i * They never dared to tru,1 an Elcuior-.- 

. fkt. tin. ///-*- 'v u "* (.$ta~^ a^f^^. " 

j y I/ 

ol'Sflt fcTetk ffa 
thact <>ucsr f 

r a/> 


T . < 



_. . ^-T., , >. 

now neccllary, under Louis XVIth, are queitions ^. 

too deep and extenfive, perhaps for us to deter- r 

mine. But we are very competent to demon- J?c6t & 

ftrate two propofitions, firft, that a fovereignty 

in a fingle afiembly, cannot fecure the peace, 

liberty or fafety of the people. Secondly, that 

r i IT i \ t* 

a tedcrative republic, or in other words, a con- 
federation of the republic of Paris, with the re. 
publics of the provinces, will not be fufficient to 
fecure the tranquility, liberty, property or lives '# 
of the nation. In fome future time, if neither 

, r r r - r 

buiinets or more importance, nor amuiements 
more agreeable mould engage us, we may thit3tr 
together a few thoughts, upon thefe queflions.t/'' 
This may be done .without thefmalleft apprehen- 
fion of ever being confuted : for altho we mould 
fail to produce arguments to convince our rea- 
ders, w r e know with infallible certainty, that 
time will fupply all our defects, and demonftrate./^/^.., 
for us, the' truth of both the propolitions. 

At prefent we return to the narration of 3D& 
vila. The Prince de Conde's quality of Prince ^ ^ ^^^^ ^~ 
of the blood, and the want of plaulible pretexts, 

i >~i T r r\ Tr -r T. 9/ ^-<f^/"-^ "^ 

did not permit the Guiles, io ealily to aiimils him . 

from court. They found, however, a favorable J "" *'^*' 
occaiion to fend him off, for a time, till the new "v " e 
Miniflry fhould" be well eftablimed, by nomina-/; n^ e 
ting him Plenipotentiary, to the King of Spain, t>u.Jsa.4t*r 
to ratify the peace and alliance contracted a little,. : p a in, m 
before the death of Henry lid. He quitted the / ' 
court upon this embaiTy, and left the field open 
for the perfection of projects, which were as y 
only in (ketches* The Queen mother and the 
Guifes proceeded in the fame manner with all 
whom they feared : Strongly determined to 
confumrmte their defigr.s, they judged that they 


"*"* *** v*-< 


could not fucceed, but by arranging all the 
ilrong places, as well as the troops, the finances, 
and all the refources of the ftate, under their 
own difpofition ; fo that the moft important af- 
fairs fliould pafs through no hands but their own, 
and thofe of their creatures. Neverthelefs, to 
fhow that they confulted their mtereft lefs than 
the public good and their own glory, they did 
not elevate to dignities, people without merit, 
and drawn from the duft, for fear they fhould 
be thought to make creatures for themfelves at 
any rate : but they conferred favors only on per- 
fons, who added acknowledged merit to con- 
fpicuous birth, and above all, eftimable in the 
eyes of the people for integrity. This conduct 
had a double advantage, the firft, that the people 
commonly applauded their choice, and their op- 
ponents had no pretence to condemn it : the 
iecond, that confiding in perfons of honor and fi- 
delity, they were not expofed to be deceived, nor 
to fufpect their attachment, as it often happens 
to thofe who commit the execution of their de- 
ligns to people of bafe extraction, or difhonored 
by their manners. In this view, they reftored to 
office, Francis Olivier, formerly chancellor of the 
kingdom, a perfonage of known integrity and 
inflexible firmnefs, in the exercife of his employ- 
ment. The vigor with which he avowed and 
fupported his fentiments, had caufed his dif- 
miflion from court, from the beginning of the 
reign of Henry lid. and the iniligations of the 
Conftable had not a little contributed to his dif- 
, grace. They recalled alfo to council, and near 
the perfon of the King, the Cardinal de Tournon, 
<fn, who, in the time of Francis Ift. grand-father of 
the reigning Prince, had the principal conduct of 



affairs. By thefe meafures they flattered the 
multitude, and fulfilled the expectations of the 
public, without neglecting their own interefts. 

The probity of the Cardinal and the Chancellor, 
had rendered them dear to the people, who knew 
how often they had declared themfelves againft 
the multiplication of impofts, with which they 
were opprelTed. Moreover, difgraced by the in- 
trigues of the Conftable, and recalled with honor 
by the Guifes, they muft, both from refentment 
and gratitude, fupport with their counfels, and 
all their influence, the projects of aggrandizement, 
formed by the latter. Many others had been 
gained by fnnilar artifices : but the fame manage- 
ment was not ufed with the houfe of Bourbon, 
nor \yith the family of the Conftable. On the 
contrary, the Princes of Lorrain, drawn away by 
the defire of annihilating the credit of their an- 
cient rival, and of abafing the royal family, feized 
with ardor, every occafion of diminilhing the 
authority and increafmgthelofTes of their enemies. 

The Admiral Gafpard de Coligni, had two 
different governments ; that of the Ifle of France, 
and that of Picardie ; but as the laws of the 
kingdom, permitted not the poffeilion of more 
than one dignity, or one government at the fame 
time, the late King had deftined that of Picardie s 
to the Prince de Conde, to appeafe his refentment 
and foften his complaints. The Prince earneitly 
defired this favor, to which, indeed, he had juit 
pretenfions. His father, and the King of Navarre 
had fucceilivcly held it j and the Admiral had 
refigned it, in confideration of the Prince. But 
the death of Henry lid. happening near the ame 
time, had hindered the effect of this arrangement, 
which had already been made public. Francis 



the lid. had no regard to it. At the felicitation 
of the Guifes, and by a manifefl injuftice to the 
Prince, he granted this place to Charles de Cofle, 
Marcchal de Briflac, a captain of high reputation 
and great valor j but who having been promoted 
by the favor of the Princes of Lorrain, was clofe- 
Jy attached to them and ferved them with zeal. 
\ Nor was there more attention paid to Francis of 

Montmorency, the eldeft fon of the Ccnftable. 
He had married Diana, natural daughter of Henry 
lid. In conlideration of this marriage, he had 
1 been promifed, the office of grand mailer of the 

J> King's houfehold, a place which had been long 

n held by his father. From the firft days of the 

y^t"**' 4 reign of Francis lid. the Duke of Guife, took it 
c - f i[fa for himfelf, that he might add this new eclat to 
//i di Rival*, his other dignities, as well as deprive of it, an 
houfe which he wilhed to deprefs. Thus the 
Duke and the Cardinal, embraced with ardor, 
. every occafion of mortifying their rivals, and 

aggrandizing themfelves. The Queen mother, 
jsvho forefaw that this unlimited ambition and 
this violent hatred, muft have fatal effects, defired 
that they mould act with more moderation, man- 
agement and dexterity ; but Ihe dared not, in 
the beginning, oppofe herfelf to the wills, nor 
traverfe the deligns of thofe, whofe influence was 
the principal fupport of her authority. 

At this time the Bourbons, excluded from all 
parts of the government, banimed from court, 
and without hopes of carrying their complaints 
to the foot of the throne, beginning to reflect 
upon the iituation of their affairs, and the con- 
duct of their enemies, who, not content with 
their prefent grandeur, labored by all forts of 
means to perpetuate it, refolved, to remain no 



longer inactive fpectators of their own misfor- # 
tunes, but to prevent the ruin that threatened 
them. To this purpofe a convention was called, 
and we fhall ibon fee what kind of convention it 
was. Anthony, King of Navarre, after having 
left in Beam his fon, yet an infant, under the 
conduct of the Queen his wife, as in an afylum, 
at a diilance from that conflagration, which they 
faw ready to be lighted up, in France, repaired to 
Vendome, with the Prince of Conde, already re- 
turned from his embafly : the Admiral, Dande-?A.c 
lot, and the Cardinal of Chatillon, his brothers, 
Charles Compte de la Rochefoucault, Francis 
Vidame de Chartres, Antony Prince of Portien, 
all relations or common friends, affembled alfo, 
with feveral other noblemen attached for many 
years to the houfes of Montmorency and Baur- 
bon. The Conilable, who, altho to all appearance 
wholly engaged in the delights of private life, 
fecretly fet in motion all the fprings of this enter- 
prize, had fent to this afTembly at Ardres, his an- 
cient and confidential Secretary, with inftructions /{ > 
concerning the affairs to be there agitated. They ^ y 
took into confideration the part which it was 
neceiTary to acl in the prefent conjuncture of af- 
fairs. All agreed in the fame end, but opinions as 
ufual, were divided concerning the means. All e- 
qually felt theatrocious affronts committedagainfl 
the Princes of the blood, for the Guifes, had not 
only taken the firft places in the government, but 
the fmall number of dignities which had remained 
to them. They faw evidently that the defign 
was nothing lefs, than to oppreis thefe Princes 
and their partizans. All perceived the necefiity 
f of 


of preventing fo preffing a danger, without wait- 
ing for the lad extremity. But they were not 
equally agreed concerning the meafures proper 
to ward it off. 

No. 18. 

L'un et 1'autre parti cruel egalement, 

Ainfi que dans le crime, eft dans 1'aveuglement. ,,/, 

a, i ,.^ the affembly, convention, caucus, or con- 

fljLLCU/> r . A i ii-i * i ' i 

i fpiracy, at Ardres, call it by which name you 
n j . will, the prince de Conde, the Vidame de Char- 
%/ YuYc-4. tres ^ Dandelot and others, of a character more 
irritable and violent, were of opinion, that with- 
out leaving to the Guifes the time to augment 
^ their credit and their forces, they mould fly to 

arms as the remedy the rnoft expeditious and the 
^moll; efficacious. 

"In vain," faid they, "mall we, wait for the 
King, of his own motion, to determine, to reftore 
us the rank which is our ri^ht. This Prince, 

O * 

incapable of deciding for himfelf, will never 
come out of that lethargy, in which he has been 
flupified from his infancy. Governed by his 
mother and the Guifes, he will never dare to re- 
demand the power which he has fo blindly aban- 
doned to them. How can the juft complaints of 
the Princes of the blood, and the nobles, the bell 
affeclioned to the welfare of the flate, ever reach 



the ear of a monarch, who, even in the fervice of 
his perfon, is conftantly furrounded with fpies, 
ftationedby hisTninifters, and fold to their tyran- 
ny ? What dependance can we have, on the re- 
folutions of a Prince, to whom they will reprefent 
our requifitions under the blacks ft colours, and 
the odious appellations of revolts, confpiracies, 
and plots ? Can we hope that the Queen mother 
and the Guifes will difmifs themfelves, in favor o 
their enemies and rivals, from a part of that 
power which has coft them fo much labor and ib 
many artifices ? This expectation would be more 
chimerical than the former. Men do not weakly 
abandon an authority, which they have once 
ufurped with, fo much boldnefs. "Whoever ar- 
rives, by flow and fecret intrigues, to unlawful 
power, enjoys it haughtily, and preferves it at all^ u ra -nc^at Jib* 
hazards. The power and authority of the laws, / A *, 
may impofe on private perfons ; but they give^ A ; 
way to force, which alone decides the rights and^^^/i 6 
interefts of Princes, So much referve and timidi- 
tv on our part, will only ferve to augment the 

r- i C T- U 

confidence and temerity or our enemies, io be- 
gin by complaining, would be to found an alarm 
before an attack, and to advertife our competi- 
tors to put themfelves on their guard. The 
promptitude of execution, alone decides the fue- 
cefs of great enterprizes. Sloth and irrefolution, 
debafes the courage, enervates the forces, and 
lofes the opportunity which flies fo rapidly away. 
Let us haften then to take arms, and overwhelm 
our enemies before they have time to collect 
themfelves ; and let us not ruin our own hopes 
and projects, by cowardly precautions, and un- 

feafonable delays," 



The King of Navarre, the Admiral, the Prince 
of Portien and the Secretary of the Conftable, in 
the name of his mafter, rejected with horror, 
counfels fo extreme, and propufed remedies lefs 
violent. " Whatever protections we may make," 
they replied, " that we take arms only to deliver 
the King from the tyranny of ftrangers, and that 
we afpire not to his authority, our conduct will 
be ill interpreted. All good Frenchmen, religi- 
oufly attached to the perfcn of the King., will lee 
our enterprize with indignation. Is it permited 
to fubjects to lay violence or constraint on their 
fovereign, under any pretext or for any reafon 
whatever ? Do the laws of the kingdom authorize 
us, to force our mafter, to confide to- us, any 
portion of his authority ? He has pafled his four- 
teenth year, and ought no longer to be in tute- 
lage. Thus our pretenlions, formed only on de- 
cency, propriety and iimple equity, had better be 
urged with delicacy and moderation, than by 
ways fo violent as thofe of arms. By employing 
the means which prudence and addrefs may fug- 
geft to us, let us not defpair of gaining on the in- 
clinations of the Queen mother. As foon as flic 
can fee her fafety in our party, we fhall fee the 
power of the Guifes difTolve, and we mail open 
to ourfelves a way, equally honorable and eafy to 
the execution of our defigns. The Princes of 
Lorrain have had, hitherto, no obftacle in their 
way ; perhaps when they fee a formidable oppo- 
fition arifing, they will determine to cede to. us a, 
part in the government. We will then avail our- 
felves of opportunities, to fecure us againft the 
dangers which threaten us, and the outrages with 
which they overbear us. Is it not better to be 



fatisfied with reafonable conditions, than to ex- 

pofc all to the inconftancy of fortune, and the 

hazardous decifion of arms ? Have \ve in France, 

forces to oppoie to our lawful fovereign ? What 

fuccour can \ve expect from foreign powers, who 

have lately renewed their alliances with the King ? 

To take arms at prefent, would be to precipitate 

the houfe of Bourbon into the deepeft misfor* 

tunes, rather than to open to us, an honorable 

reception into the government." This laft fenti- 

ment prevailed, and it was refolved that the , / 

King of Navarre, as the chief of the houfe, and^^^^ r ^ c "*- 

the firft Prince of the blood, Ihould repair tofouiul fit 

Court, and negotiate with the Queen mother, 

and endeavor to obtain fome part in the admini- 

ftration of government, for himfelf, and for his 

brothers and partisans, the governments and 

dignities of which they had been deprived, or 

others equivalent. 

It was forefeen, however, that the fuccefs 
would not be happy. The King of Navarre, in- J* 
timidatecl by the difficulty of the enterprize, 
acted with a delicacy, irrefolution and complai- 
fance, dictated by that foftnefs and moderation 
which formed the effence of his character. The 
Guifes, on the contrary, full of that confidence, 
which profperity infpires, prepared to repell with 
vigor the attempt that was made againft them. 
In concert with the Queen, they repeated incef- 
fantly to the young Monarch, that his predeceff- 
ors had always mortified the Princes of the blood, J^Y^<M> cd TKt. 
as enemies to the reigning branch, againft which 
they never ceafed to operate, fometimes by fecret ' 

11 j r ' i_ 'i-U ^ ' 6*ttf 

cabals, and fometimes by open force, inat m T^^ J , 
the prefent circumftanccs, the King of Navarre' "; 


, u ty-l 
/ J 


and the Prince de Conde, feeing themfelves fo 
near the throne, under a King of a tender com- 
plexion, who had no children, and whofe bro- 
thers were under age, fought only to deprive 
him of the fupport of his mother, and his neareft 
relations, that they might govern him at plea- 
lure, and hold him in dcpendance, as the Maires 
of the Palace had formerly held the Clevis's, the 
Chiiperics, and other Princes incapable of reign- 
ing. That perhaps there was no crime at which 
they would hefitate, even to employing poifon, 
or the fvvord, to open a paffage for themfelves 
to the throne. The King, naturally timid and 
fufpicious, pre-occupied by thefe artificial accufa- 
tions, which were coloured with fome appearance 
of probability, fcw with an evil eye, the King of 
JNavarre, and received him coldly. In the audi- 
ences which he granted him, always in the pre- 
fence of the Duke and the Cardinal, who never 
quitted him a moment, he gave him none but 
dry anfwers ; alkdging that he was of age ; that 
k e wag not re fp 0n f m i e to any man for his actions ; 
that he was fatisfied with the good fervices of 
thofe who governed under him ; and rejected 
conftantly all the requefts and demands of the 
Princes of the blood, as irregular, unreafonable, 
and made with ill defigns. 

The efforts of the King of Navarre had no bet- 
ter fuccefs with the Queen-mother. She knew 
that me could not depend upon the attachment 
which the Princes of the blood profeffed to her ; 
that as foon as they mould obtain what they fo- 
liated, they would exclude her from the govern- 
ment, and force her perhaps to quit the Court. 
She judged moreover, that it would be impru- 



dent to abandon the party the moil powerful 
and the bell efhbliflied, to attach herfelf to the 
Princes of the blood, who had no certain iup- 
port. She determined therefore to purfue her 
iiril plan : but as flic wifhcd to prevent the hor- 
rors of a civil war, flie propofed to herfelf, not 
entirely to take away all hopes from the Princes, 
but to make ufe of artifice and diflimulation, to 
divert the King of Navarre, whofe docility {he 
knew, from the defigns which he had formed, 
and to wait, from time and conjunctures, fome 
expedient, advantageous to the welfare of the 
flate. In confequence, {he received him with 
great demonitrations of friendihip, and amufed 
him with the faireil hopes. In the courfe 
conversations which they had together, {lie in- 
fmuated, that the pailions of the King were eafily 
irritable ; that he mud not be vexed with de- 
mands and complaints out of feafon ; that it was 
neceffary to wait for opportunities more favor- 
able ; that the King having paffed his fourteenth. 
year, might govern by hinifelf, and without 
taking counfel of any one ; that when he mould 
find an opportunity to manifeil his benevolence 
for the Princes of Bourbon, -he would fulfil all 
that was required of him, by the relations of 
blood, and would prove to all the world the 
efteem and confideration, which he entertained 
of their merit and fidelity : that to change, all at 
once, in the beginning of a reign, the order eftab- 
limed in the government, would be to give the 
King among his own fubjecls, the reputation of 
an inconflant Prince, wichout prudence and with- 
out firmnefs : that if any employment worthy 
of them iliould be vacant, he would have a re- 



gard to the juftice of their pretenfions : that, in 
her own particular, flie offered herfelf voluntarily 
to manage thtir interefts with her fon, to engage 
him to grant them, as foon as fhould be pofiible, 
the fatibfaction they defired : that it was not de- 
cent that" the King of Navarre, who had always 
evinced his wifdoin and moderation, (hould now 
fuffer himfelf to be guided by counfels, and 
drawn into rafh rneafures which were neither 
confident with his age nor character ; but by 
waiting with patience, for what depended wholly 
on the benevolence and affection of the Ring, 
he ought to teach others, how to merit in their 
due feafons, the favor and beneficence of his Ma- 
jefty. The Queen having founded him, at feve- 
ral times, by fuch general difcourfes, and per- 
ceiving that he began to waver, compleatly gain- 
ed him at length, by faying that they muft im- 
mediately fend into Spain, Elizabeth, the fifter of 
the King, who muft be attended by fome Prince, 
diitinguiilied by his reputation and by his rank ; 
that me had caft her eyes on him, as the perfon- 
age the moft proper to fupport the honor of the 
nation, by the fplendor of his virtues, and of the 
Majeily Royal, with which he was adorned ; that 
befides the fatisfacHon which the King her fon 
would have in it, he would find a great advan- 
tage for his private pretenfions, by the facility 
which he would have, of conciliating the affec- 
tions of the Catholic King, and at the fame time 
of treating in perfon of the reftitution, or of the 
change of Navarre. Finally, fhe promifed him 
to employ all her credit, and all the power of 
the King her ion, to infure the fuccefs of this 




The King of Navarre, in examining the d\f 
po; ; ;i ?,ns -of the Court, hud obierved that all 
vvh-;' .vcrc employed by the government, 
khthe prefent lituation of affairs, trou- 
ble i .-cry li oout the pretenlions 
o- :-.Uc:.5 of the blood and that thole who 
had :in intereiito d-jlire 'his grandeur, : and that 
of his brother, either intimidated by the power 
of th-Tir enemies, or difconcerted by his -extreme 
delayj, del; rtped equally of the fuccefs of his en- 
te- . He; returned therefore e-afily to his fc - r> 
firft d-%n j recovering I&fe Hates, and judged ' >^' 
that he ought not to let iiip an opportunity fo 
favourable tor renewing the negotiations of ac- 
commodation with the crown of Spain, and of 
qui.r i^g decently a court, wh?re he could no-lon- 
ger reniLiin with honor. lie accepted chearfully 
the comniiiiion of concluding the young ; Queen 
into Spain. The Q^ieen-rnother continued to 
delude him \vith magnificent hopes, and in fpight 
of the difcontent of the other Princes of his par- 
ty, 'tie pro-led his departure with as 'much ardor, 
as even his enemies could have desired. Ke fuf- 
fered 1 hiinfelf to be di^ped-in Spain with the fame 
fa.-iiity. The Queen-mother had already in- 
formed rhilin the fccond,of all this manoeuvre. 
This Monarch who deli-red, equally -with her, to 
fee humiliated and excluded from the govern- 
ment, the King of Navarre, fo ardent to -make 
good his pretenilons to foine part of his domin- 
ions, inftructed the duke of Alva, and the other 
grandees who wore to receive the Queen his con- 
lort, not to reject the proportions of this Prince, 
but to lead him on and amufe him, by receiving 
them ierioufly, and offering to make report of 
them to his Catholic Majeity, and the council of 
Spain, without whofe advice they cauld not de- 
Q t ermine 


termine any affair of ftate. As loon as the King 
of Navarre was arrived on the frontiers, and 
had prefented the Queen Elizabeth to the bpanifli 
Lords, he began tofpeak to them of his interefts, 
and thought him (elf fure at firft of fuccefs. The 
Spaniards conducted the negotiation, with an ad- 
drefs which ferved to nourifh his hopes., at the 
fame time that they let him know that the effect 
could not be immediate. They engaged him 
even to fend ambaffadors to Madrid, fo that fole- 
naw could. Ju(A \y occupied with his firft defigns, he retired to 
a-J&^-i (>t.jJ: Bearn, fully refolved not to meddle in the affairs 
+-*3& >*- of Franco, whole negotiation appeared ineffectual, 
and the project of arms as dangerous as they 
were diihonorahle. 

. r The Frince of Conde his brother, had cppofite 

views, ard took very different refolutions. His 
fortune was not commenfurate with his courage, 
nor with the extent of his dciigns. Excited by 
the mediocrity of his circumftances, by the ha- 
tred which he bore to the Guifes, and inceffantly 
itimulated by his mother-in-law and his wife, 
one the lifter and the other the niece of the Con- 
. VflrfjuV. Itable, both devoured by ambition, he openly 
detefted the government of the Queen-mother 
and the Guifes. All his thoughts and actions 
tended to a revolution. He figured to himfelf, 
that if the war fhould be enkindled by his in- 
trigues and for his interefts, not only he would 
become the chief of a numerous party, but more- 
over he would procure to himfelf riches, advan- 
tages, and perhaps the fovereignty of feveral 
cities and provinces of the Kingdom. Full of 
I *Y thefe high ideas he afiembled again at La Ferte, 

an eftate of his inheritance, fituated on the fron- 
tiers of Champaine, the Princes of his blood, and 
the principal lords of his party, and harrangued 



lliem in this manner. " In vain, have we hither- ^f-^c 
to employed the means of delicacy and modera- 
tion. It is not hereafter but by the moft vigor- 
ous efforts that we can prevent the ruin of the 
roval fainilv, and of all thofe who have not been 

* ^ ' 

able to refolve to cringe fcrvilcly under the ty- 
ranny of the Queen-mother and the Guifes. It 
is no longer feafonable to diffemble outrages of 
which no man can be ignorant, and which we 
have fuffered with too much patience. We are 
banidied from court, and the government of Pi- 
cardy, and the office of grand-mailer is taken 
from us. Finances, offices, dignities, are the 
prey of foreigners and perfons unknown, who 
hold the King in captivity. The truth never 
reaches the throne. The beft part of the nation 
is oppreffed to elevate traitors, who fatten on the 
blood of the people, and the treafures of the flate. 
It is on violence that the tyranny of thefe flran- 
gers, is founded, who perfecute with fo much 
ferocity the royal blood : let us employ violence 
alfo to deftroy this tyranny. It will not be the 
firft time that the Princes of the blood, mall have 
taken arms to maintain their rights. Peter, 
Duke of Brittany, Robert, Earl of Dreux, and 
feveral other Lords oppofed, during the minority 
of Saint Louis, the Queen Blanche his mother, 
who had feized on the government. Philip, Earl 
of Valois, employed all his forces, to exclude 
from the regency, thofe who pretended to ufurp 
it. Under Charles the VHIth, Louis, Duke of 
Orleans, took arms to caufehimfelf to be elected 
regent, inftead of Ann, Duchefs of Bourbon, who, 
in quality of eldefl filler of the young King, had 
taken into her hands the reins of the ftate. Let 
us imitate our wife anceftors, let us follow fuch 
ftriking examples. We find ourfelves in the 



fame cafe : it is therefore our. duty to employ the 
fame means to fave the nation. Let not the ...3- 
parent pleafure of the King reftrain ii&J -is 
Prince, buried in a lethargic dream, ana in his. 
own imbecility, perceives not the deplorable 
flavery to which they have reduced h\m. rle: 
waits, from the Princes of the blood, the afl fa 
ance, which is expected from an enlightened ^r.di 
ikilful phyfician, by patients who tc?i nor L.'eiy 
diftempers and know rot their dan.: he 

duties of our birth, and the unanimo.uJ? v. i&cd 
,* -ft of the nation, authorize us to break the feLters 
, ' ^ with which this Prince is leaded, and to redrefs 
* ij*' the evil before it arrives at its laft extremity. A 
' vigorous refolution mutt be taken without, deiny. 
Let us haflen to be beforehand with o-.;r er.en.ies, 
if we wifn to furmount a thoufand obltacks, 
which will arrefl us, if we wafle the tinne in de- 
liberation, and which a luciden execution .alone 
can overcome, fiotli and timidity will only aggra- 
vate upon our necks ths weight of a yoke equally 
fliameful and fatal. Caai we hefitate when our 
tranquility, our honor and our lives have no 
Other refource, than in the valor, of our arms ?" 
This difcourie pronounced, with a- military 
tone, had already agitated minds before difpofed 
to take arms, both from attachment to his houfe, 
(oti ft**- and tlieir F rivate intercfts. ' But the Admiral, 
Coligni, who weaned more maturely all the 
confequences of iuch an enterprize, alone ven- 
tured to oppofe the opinion of the Prince, by ad- 
vifing to employ in the execution of his delign> 
a mean more proper to enfure the fuccefs of it. 
" It would be,'* faid Coiigni, " too defperate a 
refolution to expofe fo openly to the hazards of 
war, the fortunes of the houfe of Bourbon, and 
of fo great a number of ^perfons allied to their 



Mood, or attached! to fchdr ip.tcrefh. YTc 
not fupported byanyiorccs at home, or all'ances 
ajbsqad We have no fortified places, and are 
without trceps, and wlthou.t money. In the 
impolubility to act \v>_h open force-, let us fub- 
fiuute policy in the of fore;. Ictus en- 

deavor,/ without diicoverir . felves, to employ 
other arms, to execute for us, what -ve are not 
HI a ccrdiiicn to undertake fw ourfclves. The 
kingdom is filled; with a multitude of people, who 
have emiy:.;r.c i t'be doctdne lately introduced by 
Calvin. r i'ne feverky of the made 
for them, and tlie- rigour of their pur.iiiimcnts, ,Y6rr*.-MfU{ j ** 
reduce them to clrOair,. and to the clciire as well^/'*' **^^ 
as' neceiiity of braving every danger to refcue-^"*; /**<** . ~p 
themfeives from a deiii.ny fo horrible. They all***^ ***** *"** 
know, that the diike of Guife, and eipecially the &"f** 
Cardinal of Lorrain, are the principal authors of oh! & l &') 1 * 
the peri jciition ; that: this tuft puriues. ardently */ t ofi{n* &t 
tlijir ..;11-33, in the. Parliaments and in the ' . 

King's council^, and never ceafes to ial.l at their ^**/ 
cjoctrines, in his public h^rrr- 1 T^CS and private * **** 

v_^ * . 

converfations. If ihe difcoD.t'ents of this multi-^Vy^4 
tude have not blazed out, it has been merely for//^ 
want of a leader ^eatp/ib'e of: guiding it, and of ani- 
mating it, by Ms example. Lrcliey ihouklbefti- 
mulated ever fo little, they will blindly confront 
the greateft dangers, in the hope of delivering 
themfeives from the misfortunes which threaten 
them. , Let us avail ourfelves of this refource ; ; ,. ,. 
let us encourage this multitude, already difpofed 
to commotions ; let us give a form to th'eir de- 
figns ; let us arm their hitred againft the Guifes ; 
let us put them in a condition to attack thefe 
Grangers,; in good order and with advantage. 
Our defigns, in this way, will execute themfeives, 
without expofmg or committing us, without our .-' 
. appealing 


appearing to have any part in them. In aug* 
menting our forces with all thofe of the Calvin- 
ifts, we fhall fupport ourfelves by the protection 
of the Proteftant Princes of Germany, and o 
Elizabeth Queen of England, who patronize 
openly the new religion. Our caufe will become 
better and our pretext more plaufible. We will 
reject upon the Proteftants the boldnefs of their 
cnterprize, and we mall convince the whole 
world, that it is neither intereft nor ambition, 
, but fimply the difference in religion which has 
excited us to arms.'* 

It mould be remembered here, that Davila was 
a Catholic, and Coligni a Proteftant. The latter, 
one of the great eft, altho the moil unfortunate 
men of his age, was as fincere in religion, as pure 
in morals, and as honourable in the whole con- 
duel of his life, as any one of his contemporaries. 
That he was deiirous of engaging the Bourbons 
and Montmorencies to favor the C alvinifts and 
liberty of confcience, is probable : but he is re- 
prefented by the beft French Hiftorians, as fo 
much attached to the King, as to have been even 
fufpetted by his party. The harrangue which 
Davila puts into his mouth, is too much like a 
mere politician, and too little like a philofopher 
or a chriftian, to be confiflent with his character. 


O^.t Jn-JvU-ni* OJ -S) Vt-S feiv#-ij a. <i /<u. 

, > k 

^ ^^ cyw *~* 

Y ^ <.CA.'^ ^4. 

u ..... .ttt? ^ f A^'l. " 

$<&,&</. tt<~^ ^(^^^ H 

ce ^ o 


nd a. Jou*l dnitnl 


No. 19. 

Mais 1'un etl'autre Guife ont eu moins de fcrupule,^ 
Ces chefs ambitieux d'un peuple trop credule, 
Couvrant leurs interets de 1'inteict des cieux, 
Ont condait dans le piege un peuple furieux. 

THE eloquence and authority of Coligni, pre- 
vailed with the others to embrace the party of 
the Cjlvinifts, to whofe doctrines, were fecretly 
devoted feveral of the noblemen then prefent in 
the affembly. The common voice was in favor 
cf this advice, which affording hopes, as near 
accomplimment, and better founded, diverted 
them from taking arms of a fudden, and con- 
cealed for fometime, the view of dangers, to 
which the moft determined do not expoie them- 
felves,but in the lafl extremity. 

After Martin Luther had introduced into Ger- o/t<,Mcv 
many, the liberty of thinking in matters of reli- 
gion, and erected the ftandard of reformation; . 
John Calvin, a native of Noyon, in Picardy, of a (^CLiuin^ if 
vaft genius, iingulareloquence, various erudition, v /% / ^n I* 
and polimed tafte, embraced the caufe of refor- ** , 
mation. In the books which he publiflied, and 
in the difcourfes which he held, in the feveral 
cities of France, he propofed one hundred and 
twenly eight articles, in oppofition to the Creed 7, J 
of the Roman Catholic Church. Thefe opinions 
were foon embraced with ardor and maintained 
with obftinacy, by a great number of perfons of 
all conditions. The afylum and the centre of 
this new feet, was Geneva, a city fituated on the 
lake anciently called Lamanus, on the frontiers 
of Savoy, which had fhaken off the yoke of its 
Bilhops and the Dukes of Savoy, and erected it- 



republic, under the tide of a free city, 
for the fake of Hbcity- of conscience. From this 


\J *. if * 

there fowed in iecret the feeds of their doctrine. 
Almcfta, L [ -s and provinces of France be- 

/ r* - * T * * 

.y,^ gan to be enlightened by it. It began to intro- 
.yi f duce itiblr hito^'the kingi /.:::!, und^f Francis lit. 

-^ in o ; ' Lbri tb ail the vigorous relbiutions wl 
/ he took to --'> ->:-/- ' s it. Henry 'lid. ordained, 
2 v/ith inexorable ibverity. the pyinfltment of death 
agaii?fi all \vho-fnould be cor^\ icVed of Calvinifm. 
Tk: Cardinal of Lerri.!;:, \vas -the high piieft, 
and the proud tyrant, v. ho C-L:U; rjlkd-andicimu- 
l:u . ; he Kin^ to thei'e ;:"- 01 locutions, 

which, by the {bedding jthe biood of -all the ad- 
vocates of civil liberty, -might' have wholly fup- 
prelied .it, if the titi&$.p$@ea d?ath cf Henry lid. 
'* v/hich the Calvinifts regarded as a miracle 
wrought in their favor, h-.d'r.ot occaiicned ibme 
relaxation under Francis -lid. The Duke of 
Gpife and the Cardinal of Lorrain, perliRed in 
their bloody perfecting refolutions : but they 
did not find in the Parliament, -nor in the other 
magiftrates, the fame promptitude to execute^the 
orders which they gave in the name of the King. 
Theodore Eeza, adifciple of Calvin, celebrated 
for his eloquence and erudition . had already con- 
verted feveral perfons of both fexes, and of the 
firft nobility of the kingdom : andi': was no lon- 
ger in the ftables and cellars that the Calvinifts 
held their affemblies, and preached their fermons, 
but in thehcrafcs of gentlemen, and in the palaces 
of the great. The people called them Huguenots, 
or Aignonen Confederate-. The Admiral Coligni 
' and feveral other noblemen, had -indeed embraced 



the new doctrine as it was called : but the Cal- 
yinifts. retrained by the fear of punifhment, ftill 
held their allemblies in fccret, and the great dared 
not declare openly for them. 

The Bourbons, finding France in a condition 
fo favorable to their prefent interefts, embraced 
greedily the propoiition of Coligni, and they de- 
puted Dandelot and the Vidame de Chartres to 
negotiate this affair with the Calvinifts. Thefe 
able agents, who had both embraced Catvinifm, 
eafily found a multitude of perfons difpofed to 
communicate to others the projefb in contempla- 
tion, and to make the neceflary preparations for 
its execution. The Calvinifts agitated without 
interruption by the terror of d mg^rs and puniih- 
ments, ferved them with fo much promptitude 
and concert, that they placed things in a train, 
in a fhort time to fucceed. 

The firft meafure advifed by Dandelot and the 
Vidame de Chartres, was that a large number of 
thofe who profeffed theProteftant religion, fliould 
r.ffernble and prefent themfelves without arms at 
court, to petition the King for liberty of con- 
fcicnco, the public exercife of their religion, and 
permiflion to have temples for that purpofe. 
Davib, the Catholic and Italian, has recorded in 
this place, all the party exaggerations of his mittrefs 
and the Guifes. He fays, that if the petition of 
the Proteftants was feverely and haughtily reject- 
ed, as it indubitably would be, they were to 
march immediately troops affembled fecretiy 
from all the Provinces ; that thefe mould fudden- 
Jy appear under different leaders who mould be 
appointed for them, that finding the King un- 
R guarded 


guarded and the court without defence, thef 
were to mafTacre the duke of Guife and the 
Cardinal of Lorrain, with all their creatures j 
and oblige the King to declare, regent and lieu- 
tenant-general of the kingdom, the Prince of 
Conde, who mould grant them a ceffation of 
punifhment anxi liberty of confcience. It was 
believed at the time and publifhed, that the 
chiefs of the confpiracy, had given fecret orders, 
if every th^ng fucceeded to their wifties, to put 
to the fword the Queen-mother, the King him- 
fclf, and his brothers, that the crown in this way 
'might deicend to the Princes of Bourbon. But 
i)avila hirnfelf acquits them of this attrocious ac- 
cufation,by adding, that none of the accomplices 
having avowed this horrible defign, neither when 
on the rack, nor of their own accord, but all on 
the .contrary having formally denied it, I cannot 
'relate it as a fact. We know very well that 
fame, aided by the vain terrors of the people, 
and the malignity of the great, takes a pleafure 
in magnifying objects to infinity. 

The plan being thus concerted among the con- 
fpirators, they divided the provinces and em- 
ployments, among the principal Calvinifts, that 
the execution might be attended with as much 
order and fecrecy as poffible. Barri, de la Renau- 
die ailumed the principal part, and put himfclf 

f at the head of the enterprize. This was a perfon 

av sVfnjuicLitj , , . *.. , . A TT . 

'celebrated for his travels and adventures. His 

wit and courage had acquired him credit among 
the Huguenots. He wanted neither fpirit to un- 
dertake nor vivacity to execute. The difarrange- 
ments of his fortune had reduced him to the al- 


4.ernative of procuring himfelf a better condition 
by fome daring attempt, or of terminating his 
misfortunes by a fudden death. Although inued 
from the firft nobility of Perigord, he had wan- 
dered long in different countries, and had at 
length taken refuge in Geneva, where by his 
fubtilty he had acquired fome confideration. 
Such was the birth and character of the princi- 
pal leader of the confpiracy, who was foon follow- 
ed by a great number of affociates, fome excited 
by a zeal for religion, others by the attractions of 
novelty, and others limply by that natural inqui- 
etude, which never permits the French to lan- 
guifh in idlenefs. 

La Renaudie confided to the chiefs among 
them, the care of aiTembling their partizans and 
conducting them to the rendezvous. The intelli- 
gence with which he diftributed provinces, intro- 
duced a kind of order into this confuiion. 
telneau had the department of Gafcony, 
that of Beam, Dumefnil that of Limoiin, 
beau that of Saintonge, Coueville, Picardy j 
Mourans, Provence ; Maligni, Champaine ; Saint- 
Marie, Normandy ; and Montejean, Brittany : 
all famous for courage, diflinguiihed by their no- 
bility, and coniidered in their cities and cantons, 
as heads of the party. Thefe factionaries, after 
having ailembled at Nantes, a city of Brittany, 
fome under the pretext of a lawfuit, and others 
under that of a marriage, repaired with great 
diligence to the polls which were afllgned them. 
In a few days, and with admirable fecrecy, they 
there gained an infinite number of perfons of all 
conditions, ready to facrifice their lives for an 
cnterprize, which their preachers affured them 



tended to the advantage and tranquility of the 

f ^ e ^ rmce ^ Conde, who fecretly lighted up 

this conflagration, advanced by moderate days 
journeys to court. He wifhed to be \vitnefs of 
the event, and to take fuddenly, according to 
circumflances, the part which fhould appear to 
him the moft advantageous. The Admiral, al- 

O ' 

ways circumfpecl, feigned to remain neuter. 
Pie retired to his cftate at Chatillon, under the 
pretext of enjoying the fweets of private life, 
without meddling with affairs of the public, or 
of government ; but in reality it was as much 
to aid the confpiracy, by his councils and infor- 
mation, as to avoid the accidents which might 
defeat an enterprize which he judged ralh and 
dangerous. The confpirators, who were not 
agitated with limilar anxieties, but full of the 
moft flattering hopes, had begun their march in 
fecrecy, carrying their arms concealed under 
their cloaths. They advanced feparately by dif- 
ferent roads, and in the order which had been 
<*/' marked out by their chiefs, towards Blois, wheie 

the court refided at that time. This city was 
open on all fides, and without fortifications, and 
the confpirators were to meet in its fuburbs, on 
the fifteenth day of March, 1560. 

But whatever might be the activity of their 
proceedings and the fecrecy of their councils, 
they could not efcape the penetration of the 
Guifes. The favors, penfions and employments 
they confered, and their great reputation, had 
attached to them fo many creatures in the dif- 
ferent provinces of the kingdom, that they were 
punctually informed of all the movements of the 
eonfpiratgrs. It was indeed iinpoilible that the 



march of ib numerous a multitude could remain 
unknown, when conipiracics whole fecrets arc 
confined to a fmall number of perfons, of the 
moil consummate difcretion and iidelity, are al- 


moft always difcovered before their execution. 
Whether the fecret was difcovercd by La Renau- 
die, or A vent-lies, or difcovercd by the fpies em- 
ployed by the miniftry, even in the houfes of the 
principal confpirators, or whether information of 
it came from Germany ; as foon as the Guifcs 
had received it, they deliberated on the means 
of defeating it. 

The Cardinal of Lorrain, who was no foldier, 
advifed to aiTemble the nobility of the neareft 
provinces, to draw from the neighbouring cities 
all the garrifons to form a body of troops, and 
to fend orders to ail the commanders and govern- 
ors to take the field, and put to the fword, all 
the men whom they mould find in arms. He 
prefumed that the conlpirators, perceiving them- 
felvcs to be difcovered, and informed of the mea- 
fures taken ag.iinft them, and which fame would 
not fail to exaggerate, would diflipate of them- 
felves. The duke of Guife, more familiar witli^C 
danger, and defpifing the tranfports of a multi- 
tude, without difcipline or order, regarded the 
advice of the Cardinal, as more proper to palli- 
ate the diftemper, than to cure it ; adding that 
fmce it was fo pernicious, and had infinuated it- 
felf into the heart of the kingdom, it was ufelefs 
to temporize, and give it opportunity to break 
out with more violence. -He thought it there- 
fore, more prudent to diilemble, and affect igno- 
rance of the enterprize, to draw in the confpira- 
tors, and give them time to difcover themfelves ; 
that in fmch a cafe, their defeat and puniiliment 



would deliver France from a fatal contagion, 
which, as it difcovered itfelf by fymptoms fo ter- 
rible, demanded violent remedies, and not fim- 
ple lenitives. He added, that in punifhing fepa- 
rately only a part of the confpirators, they Ihould 
furnifh matter to the ill intentioned, to calumni- 
ate the authors of this feverity ; that the people 3 
little accuftomed to fuch infurreclions, would re- 
gard this as a chimera, and as a fable, invented 
by the miniftry to cruih their enemies, and efta- 
blifli their own power and authority : whereas, 
by overwhelming all the confpirators at once, 
when upon the point of execution, they fhould 
diffipate all falfe accufations, and juftify in the 
fight of all the world, the rectitude and the fin- 
cerity of the intentions of thole who were at the 
head of affairs, 

Catharine agreed with the duke. No extraor- 
+n'/i dinary preparation was made, which could ex- 
c i te a fufpicion that the confpiracy was known. 
They only removed the King and the court to 
A r*b*il</ Ambolfe ten leagues from Blois. This caftle, fitu- 
ated on the Loire, and in the midft of forefts 
which fortify it, naturally, appeared to be a fafer 
afylum : as it was eafy to place in fecurity the 
King and the two Queens, in the caftle, while a 
fmall number of troops mould defend the en- 
trance of the village, which was of difficult accefs. 

Eagle eyed, high foul'd ambition, feldom mifles 
its opportunity. The Guifes refolved to profit 
of a conjuncture fo advantageous to cement and 
increafe their power, by caufmg the fall of their 
rivals to promote their own elevation, as poifons 
are fometimes, by uncommon Ikill converted into 
remedies. They entered the King's apartments, 
without the knowledge of the Queen, affecting 



\vith terror to exaggerate the danger ; they de- 
clared all was reported to be plotted againft the 
government, his moft faithful fubjects, and his 
royal perfon. They rcmonftrated to him, that 
the danger was imminent, that the confpirators 
were already at the gates of Amboife, with 
forces much more formidable and numerous 
than had been fufpected. Finally they demand- 
ed orders, the promptitude and energy of which 
mould be proportioned to the grandeur and 
proximity of the danger. The King, naturally 
timid as well as weak, and at this moment forci- 
bly flricken with the greatnefs of the danger* 
which threatened him, ordered the Queen, and 
all his minifters to be called, to coniult on the 
means proper to reprefs the impetuofity of fo 
violent a rebellion. Nothing was feen on all 
fides but fubjecls of terror : Every meafure that 
was propofed appeared hazardous. The Cardi- 
nal of Lorrain exhaufted ail his artifices and all 
his eloquence to exaggerate the danger and ii> 
creafe the irrefolution. The king incapable of 
deciding, and of fuftaining the weight of govern- 
ment in circumftanccs fo critical, nominated, of 
his own mere motion, the Duke of Guife, his 
Lieutenant General, with full and compleat 
thority. He added, that not feeling himfelf ade- 
quate to act, he abandoned to the prudence and 
valor of the Duke, the conduct of his kingdom, 
and the care of appeafing the troubles which agi- 
tated it. 

Catharine, although me felt an indignation at 

o o 

this bold attempt, could not oppofe it, without 
an open rupture with the Guiles, in a moment 
when the fafety of the State depended on their 
union. She perceived the occafion there was for 

a Chief, 


a Chief, \vhofe experience and reputation might 
lake place of the imbecility and irrefolution of 
the king, as likely to enervate the courage of hi* 
own troops, as to increafe the infolence of his 
enemies. Monarchs the moft abfolute, and even 
republics the moft jealous of their liberty, had of- 
ten conferred the fupreme authority on a {ingle 
man, v/hen the greatnefs of dangers had appeared 
to require a resource fo extraordinary. Betides- 
thcfe views, which regarded the prefervation of 
her fon and his States, fne forefaw the carnage, 
which could not fail to be made, and that the 
hatred of the Princes of the blood, and the en- 
mity of the people would fall neceilarily on the 
Duke of Guile commanding alone, with an abfo- 
lute authority. 


Q&vt&l The integrity of the Chancellor Olivier, was 
full an obftacle ; little fatisfied that an authority 
fo unlimited mould be granted to a fubject, he 
appeared to fufpencl his judgment. His credit 
and firmnefs might have prolonged, if not defeat- 
ed the meafure. The C)ueen-mother however 
determined him, by alledging, that as foon as the 
ftorm mould be diiTipated. they might reftrain by 
. new edicts and freili declarations the excefiive 
power to be given to the Duke, and confine him 
within the bounds of duty and rcafon ; that it- 
was the intereft of all, that the eflufion of blood 
mould be done by the fole orders of the Duke, 
and that neither the King, his relations, or mi- 
niftcrs, mould appear to dip their hands- in it. 
The Chancellor perfuaded by thefe reflections, 
fcalcd the commifiion, giving to the Duke at 
Guh r e the title and authority of Lieutenant Gen- 
eral of the King, in all the provinces and territo- 
ries of his obedience, with abfolute power, as 
well in civil as military affairs. 



The Duke as foon as he had obtained the dig- 
nity and authority which he had always defired, 
turned his attention to fupprels the confpiracy. 
He made able and foldierlike arrangements for 
defending the caftle and village of Amboife, and 
fent out parties of cavalry as well as infantry to 
attack the infurgents. A detail of their fkirmifh- 
es would be as little interefting, as it would be 
to the purpofe we have in view. La Renaudie 
fought with a bravery which well became the 
Proteftant caufe, and fell with Pardaillan, his an- 
tagonift, in the combat though his foldiers col- 
leded in hafte, could not (land ao;ainft veteran 

- / * J f 

troops. A Capt. Ligniers, one of the confpira-''^ >Ut/ ^ Cc 6^' u - 5! ^ / ' 
tors, terrified at the greatnefs of the danger, in ct^d. a. 
the moment of execution, or ftricken with re- 
morfe, or defirous of making his court, abandon- 
ed his accomplices, and galloped by another road 
to Amboife. He detailed to the King and Queen, 
the quality ancl number of the confpirators, the 
names of their chiefs, and the roads by which 
they were approaching, The Prince de Conde 
was immediately put under guard, by order of 
the king, to hinder him in any manner from 
favoring the enterprize of the infurgents, as he 
promifed them. The confpirators in fine were 
defeated and difperfed. Some perilhcd in th 
flames of the houfes to which they fled others^ 
were hanged upon the trees in the neighbour- 
hood, or on the battlements of the caftle. Mul- 
titudes were maflacrcd in the neighbourhood of 
Amboife ; the Loire was covered with dead 
bodies the blood run in ftreams in the ftreet 
and the public places were filled with bodies 
hanging on gallowfles. The punimmcnt of thefe 
mifdable men, tormented by the foldiers, and 

s butchered 


butchered by executioners fcverities, which the 
Guifes, thought necefiary, became the fource of 
carnage, and of rivers of blood, which deluged 
France for many years in a moft tragical and de- 
plorable manner. 

No. 20. 

Faible enfant, qui de Guife adoiait les caprices 


Et dont on ignorait les vertus et les vices. 

ALTHOUGH the infurgents were difperfed, 
and their leaders executed, the Bourbons and the 
other grandees of their party., the fecret authors 
of the confpiracy, ftill lived. The council of the 
King, in examining into the motives of the late 
troubles, agreed without difficulty, that they 
one c^were the work of the Princes of the blood ; and 
Hie 3 <&vo that, to maintain the authority of the King and 
,.,-. tf- t ^ ie Miniftry, the only fure means would be to 
i<x/rzA*V**/a- r *d themfelves of the chiefs and authors of the 
j fl confpiracy, as perturbators of the public repofe, 

, as favorers of Herefy, and as rebels, who attempt- 
kw^ing the perfon of their fovereign, had violated 
oj /i, -fcUttAt the fundamental laws of the monarchy. But the 
fifth i^\ Jovj^Princes ot the blood, were too nearly on a level 
'/ 'with the Kinsj : they had too much influence 

a~*<i uU tHL^ -11 i i i i i 

. /> A- Wlt h the people ; they had too much power 

"in the {late. The King indeed was furious, 
ftanaJk f (fh-* r hfa>'thR Queen-mother was anxious, the Guifes a- 
v <3>i(dH* ^ ra ^ f looting their power : But the Conftable 
Montmorcnci, the Kinsr of Navarre', and the 



Prince dc Conde', all (uppoled to be at the bottom 
of the evil, had fo much confequence in the 
world, that nothing but dillimulaiton and irrefo- 


lution prevailed in the cabinet. 

The Council, after difguiiing under a veil 
deep diflimulation, its real dciign, refo'ved at*/* 
length, to convoke the affembly of the States 
ncral, in whom j\fi~l:s the whole authority of 
Kingdom. Two reafons determined them : frft, 
That to execute the important refolution of the 
Kin^- a-Tiinil the Princes of his blood, it would 

i_ - , , r ILL ft Slit *. 

be u: jrul to have it confirmed, by the unanimous, J 

1-1 r c i -O 

or at leaft the apparent content of the nation.^ 
The feccnd reafon was, that by declaring 
tluy meant to deliberate in this affembly on 
meafures neceffary to compofe the prefent 
bles, to regulate the affairs of religion, and to 
adjuft the adminiftration of the ftate., for the fu.-A t /A/*3. 
ture. the King would have a plaulible pretext, to^^ ZV 
fummon about his perfon, all the Princes of the 
food, and all the officers of the crown, without 

. . , , , , , , , 

giving them umbrage ; and that they would be 
inexcufable nor. to come, lince they were promif- 
ed, that the deliberations mould be concerning a$#L-/#*^> I* */***+*. 

reformation of government, which they appeared 
fo much to dedVe. Kings, fays Davila, never fee 
101 th plea Cure, or indeed voluntarily, thefe affcmblies 

r i * o " n 11 *i -i r 

of the states General, where their authority Jcems to 

be eclipfed., by the fovcrci^n power of the nation, whofey* > ** 

deputies reprefeni'the whole body. /A f && ,// ^' 

TT !. rr .t- T? i *. - ~"aQc->*.i tf^ic 

Upon this patlage, the i H rencli writers cry out, / /y>rr 

r .,, . r i r i "-"^ ^ot J'OT 

" It is a itranger who Ipeaks, ill informed of the 
fundamental conftitution of our monarchy." 
" This Italian imagines that the royal authority 
was fufpended, during th.i feflion of the States 
General, But it was the royal authority which 



called them together : without it, they could 
not have affembled ; and the fame authority had 
a right to difmifs them at its preafure : it is 
therefore evident that their power was always 
fubordinate to that of the Monarch." But this 
confequence does not follow. The royal au- 
thority in England, has the power of convoking, 
proroguing and difiblving Parliament : yet Par- 
liament is not fubordinate to the royal authority, 
but fuperior to it ; as the whole is fuperior to a 
third part. The fovereignty is in Parliament, or 
the legiflative power ; not in the King, or the 
Executive. So the fovereignty might be in the 
States General, comprehending the King. If 
there are " twenty examples of the States Gene- 
ral convening and feparating, by the fimple or- 
ders of the King ;" if " the Dauphin, Charles Vth, 
during the detention of King John his father, 
convoked feveral times the States General, and 
difmiffed them when he judged proper/', it: will 
not follow from all this, that the States were not 
a part of the fovereignty : nor will it follow that 
they had no authority but to advife and remon- 
ilrate. " If the fentiments of the Italian author 
were true/* add thefe writers, " it would follow 
that the authority of Parliaments and courts or 
companies, w r hofe power is nothing but an ema- 
nation from the royal authority, would be fuf- 
pended, during the feflioo of tlje States General ; 
a pretenfion abfolutely contrary to the ufages and 
maxims of the kingdom." But how does it ap- 
pear, that the power of the Parliaments and 
courts or companies, were emanations of the 
royal authority ? There is more probability that 
they were originally committees of the States 
General, and in that cafe their power would not 



fhfpended, unlefs it were exprcfsly fufpended by 
a refolution or order of the Hates. But if theie 
tribunals were only a part of theexecutive power, 
and conftituted by the King-, it would not follow 

/ O' 

from this conceilion, that the States General 
were no part of the fovereignty or legiflative 
power. Is there one national act upon record, 
which acknowledges the King; of France to bean 

O O 

unlimited fovcreign ? If there is not, the opinion 
of Davila appears to be better founded, than that 
of his Critick. There was always a rivalry be- 
tween the royal authority and that of the States, 
as there is now between the power oi the Kin 
and that of the National Afiembly, and as there*?/ /)&'</. 
ever was, and will be in every leeriflature or fbve-*/ /, 

O Ifotlfi.rf fh fff^ttffA. 

reignty which confifts of two branches oniy.^ 
The proper remedy then would have been tt 
fame as it muft be now, to new model the legilla-' 
ture, make it confifl of three equiponderant in- c 
dependent branches, and make the executive 
power one of them ; in this way, and in no' c 
other, can an equilibrium be formed, the only* 
antidote againft rivalries. The rivalry between u^ t 
the Kings and States General in France, proceed- /y 
ed in the ftruggle for fuperiority, till the power ^-^ 3 
of the former incrcafmg and that of the latter^ 
^liminiming, the States General were laid afide^v* 6~<7>i 
after 1614, and the crown on the head of Lewis H ff ^.i< 
XlVth, in fact, but not of right, became abfolute:^ ^ 
in the fame manner as the rivalry between tlie^ 
Popes and general councils proceeded, till the* 
latter were difcontinued and his Holinefs became** 1 ^^ ritfn 
infallible : In fliort, every man, and every body***^ eu a^ 
of men, is and has a rival. When the ftruggle is'^ / r^ n ,? a * f 
only between two, whether individuals or bodies,^ 
it continues till one is fwallowed up, or ^nnihila- 

tcd, rtjf 

ZX-ttLt&LH, Jutifvf un tfrl J anjK't^t'S 




ted, and the other becomes abfolute m after. As 
ail this is a neeeffary conlcquence and effect of 
the emulation which nature has implanted in our 
bofoms, it is wonderful that mankind have fo 
long been ignorant of the remedy, when a third 
party for an umpire, is one fo eafy and obvious. 
. Francis Hd, in this year, 1560, iffued a pro- 
clamation concerning the affairs of the nation, 
^ and declared that he had refolved to afiemble at 
,. . ,, Fontainbleau, all the Princes and the Notables of 
, ~L i ft k" kingdom, in order to take their advice con- 

<* f- . cerning the urgent necemties or the Itate. He 

granted to all his fubjects full liberty to come 
6^0*44 there in perfon or by deputies, or to fend memo- 
rials to lay open their grievances, with promife 
to give them a favorable hearing, and to grant 
all their requeils as far as equity and reafon 
would permit. 

The real intention of the Guifes at this time, 
was to take vengeance of their rivals : but to 
conceal this defign under the moft profound dif- 
iirnulation, until a favorable moment ihould ar- 
rive, to carry it into execution. A feries of re- 
iinement in artifice, was practifed to put ofFtheir 
guard, the Prince de Ccnde, the Conftable de 
Montmorenci, the Admiral Coligni, and all the' 
others of their party: at the lame time that ar- 
ringements were made in all the Provinces, and 
troops were afiembled about the court, under 
commanders who were in its confidence. 
. . . About this time died the Chancellor Olivier, 

deftroyed, as was reported, by chagrin at the 

cruelties praclifed at Amboilc, and was fucceeded 
ky'iMichel dcL'Hopital, who united to a profound 
erudition, a confummate experience in buiinefs. 
lo.ihow the univeri'al prevalence oi emulation 



and rivalry, of jealoufy and envy, not only 
twccn oppofite parties, but among individuals ni 
the lame party, it is neceilary to obferve here, 
that De L'Hopita!, notxvithftasiding his genin.., 
ib .penetrating and fo fruitful in rciburces, w 
elevated, with great cliiliculty to this eminent 
dignity by the Queen-mother, in opposition to 
the Guiles, who infilled long for Louis de WlQT- 
villiers. Catharine began to dread the too great 
elevation of the Guifes, and wiihed to confer this 
important office on a iubjccb entirely devoted to 
her intcrefts. 

At the affembly of the Notables at Fontain-^" 1 ^^ at 
blcau. were found the chiefs of both parties, ex- 
ccpting the Princes of Bourbon, ore ol~ whom, 
however, the King of Navarre, lent Ins fbcretnrv 
La Sague. After the cuftornary fpcechcr; of th.* 
King, Queen, Chancellor, Duke of Guile rind 
Cardinal de Lorrain, Coligni arofe, approached soo* 
the King, and prefentecl him a paper, faying that 
it was a petition of thofe of the reformed religion, 
who had inftruclecl him to prefent it to his M;i- 
jefty, founded on the faith of edicts by which he 
had permitted all his fubjecls to lay open their 
grievances. He added, that although it was no ( : 
figned by any one, yet if his Majefty ihould oril. r 
it, one hundred and fifty thoufand men were 
ready to fubfcribc it. 1 he petition demand . 
only liberty of confciencc, and to have chii: ' 
for public worfhip in the cities. The Card 
de Lorrain, with all that impetuofity, wliic h, the 
natural vehemence of his temper added to the ar- 
dor of his fpiritual zeal, and temporal ambition, 
infpired, called it {editions, infolent, rnih, and 
heretical: and added, thru if to inti : the 

youth of the Kir-g, Coligni liad advanced that it 



v/ould be figned by one hundred and fifty thou- 
iknd rebels, lie would be refponfible for a million 
of good citizens, ready to reprefs the impudence 
of the factions, and compel rcfpect to the royal 

As to the differences of religion, thofe who in- 
dined to Calvinifm, propofed to demand of the 
Pope, a free general council, where they might 
diicufs and decide by common confent, the mat- 
ters of controverfy : that if the Sovereign Pon- 
tiiTmould refufe to grant one, the King ought, 
ui'tcr the example of iome of his wife prccleceflbrs, 
to affemble a national council. But the Cardinal 
of'Lorrain, anfwered that there was no occafion 
for any other council than that which the Pope 
had already called at Trent, which had already re- 
prehended and condemned the doctrines of the 
innovators, oppofed to the Roman church. 

As to the confdtution and government of the 
flute, after an infinity of proportions and difcuf- 
- : -"ions, fuo'geiled by the vaiiety of interefts, Mont- 
l ueor Marillac, by the fecret order of the Queen, 
propofed an AfTembly of the States General : and 
' the two parties, with one voice confented. The 
Conftable, the Admiral and their partizans, by 
the hope of obtaining a change in the rniniftry, 
the Queen -mother and the Guifes, becaufe they 
hoped to deftroy their rivals. An edict was ac- 
cordingly paired at Fontainbleau, for holding the 
States General, and the fecretaries of ftate ex- 
pedited letters patents to all the Provinces of the 
Kingdoaa, with orders to fend, in the month of 
October, their deputies to Orleans, there to hold 

, c *\ 

the States General. 

a. &qm ^ a ^ a o ue to k the road to l^earn, charged 
""with letters and cpmtniffions for the King of 



"Navarre, from the Co nibble, the Admiral and 
their adherents. At Etampes, he was arrefted tl 
and all his papers feized, and brought to court, 
by order or the Queen and the Guiles. La Sague, 
interrogated on the rack, confeffed, that the de- 
iign of the Prince of Condc, to which the King 
of Navarre was privy and confenting, was to 
march from Bcarn, under pretext of repairing 
to court, and to make himfelf rnafter in his 
courfe, of the principal cities of the kingdom, to 
take pofleilion of Paris by means of the Conftn- 
ble, and Marfhal Montmorencie his fen, who 
had the government of it ; to caufe, in the next 
place to revolt, Picardy, by the intrigues of Sen- 
arpont and Bouchavannes ; Brittanny, by thofe 
of the duke D'Eftampes, who, as governor had 
a powerful party there. He declared that the 
Prince was in courfe to come to court, at the 
head of all the forces of the Husronots ; oblisre 

O O 

the States General to difmifs from the Miniftry, 
the Queen-mother and the Guifes, to declare 
that the King cannot be of age, till twenty-two 
years old, and finally to give him for tutors and 
regents of the kingdom, the Conftable, the Prince 
de Conde and the King of Navarre. La Sague 
added, that by moiftening with water, the cov- 
ering of the letters of the Viclame de Chartres, 
they would fee, in writing, all that he had reveal- 
ed. The Plan of the enemies of the Princes of Lor- 
rain, was indeed found upon trial, written, upon 
the cover of the letters of the Vidamede Chartres, . 

in the proper hand of Flemin D'Ardoy, fecrctary~%t > * ltn - *" 
of the Conftable. This revelation of the fecret byJ 
La Sague, put the court upon a thoufand manceu-J/o&i, Jfl<mt-m<m^ 
vres, to ftrengthen their party in the Provinces, 
but Hill they continued to diflemble their defigns 
T *" of 


of vengeance : The Proteftants fomewhat en- 
couraged on one hand by hopes, and Hill torment- 
ed with perfecutions on the other, broke out in 
arms in ieveral places : But the Prince de Conde, 
whofe anxiety muft have been very great for his 
prefent fafety, if his ambition was not as infati- 
able, and his natural inquietude as troublefome 
as is reprefented, made an attempt to feize upon 
Lyons as a ftrong hold, and an afylurn for himfelf 
and a place of arms for his party ; but he mif- 
carried, and many of his partizans, the poor 
Hugonots, were executed. 

As foon as the King was informed of this en- 
terprize, he refolved not to give the difcontented 
leiiure to form new ones. He left Fontainbleau, 
accompanied with a thoufand lances, and two 
regiments of old infantry, lately returned from 
Piedmont and Scotland. He took the road to 
Orleans, preffing the deputies of the Provinces, 
to repair to that city. 

The French nation is divided into threeorders, 
or ftates, the Clergy, the Nobility, and ths 
People. Thefe three orders are diftributed into 
thirty diftri&s or jurifdictions, called BailliageLi 
or Senechalfies. "When an aflembly of the States; 
General is to be held, they refort to the capital', 
of their refpective Provinces, where they eled: 
each one feparately a deputy, who aflifts, in the 
name of his^ order, at the general aflembly, and 
who enters into all the deliberations relative to 
the particular interefts of each one of the three 
orders, and to the general good of the ftate. 
Kach Bailliage furniflies three deputies, the firft 
for the Clergy, the fecond for the Nobility, and 
the third for the People, under the name, which 
in France was then confidcrecf as more honoura- 


ble, of the third eftate. All thefe deputies afTem- 
bled in prefcnce of the King, of the Princes of 
the blood, and of the officers of the crown, form 
the Hody of the States General, and ad in the 
name of the nation, whofe power and authority 
they reprefent. 

No. 21. 

My foul aches, 

To know, when two authorities are up, 

Neither fupreme, how foon confufion 

May enter 'twixt the gap of both, and take 

The one by the other. SHAKESPEAR. 


HEN the King is of age, and aiTifts at the 
States Genera], the deputies had the power to 
confent to his demands ; to propofe what they 
judge neceffary for the good of the different or- 
ders of the ftate ; to make their fubmiilions in 
the name of the people to new impofts ; to eftab- 
lifti and accept of new laws, and new regulations j 
but when the minority of the Prince, or fome 
other incapacity hinders him to govern by him- 
felf, the ftates have a right in cafe of conteftation, 
toelecl the regent of the kingdom, to nominate 
to the principal offices, to form a council, and, 
if the mafculine pofterity have failed in the royal 
family, they may elect a new Monarch, follow- 
ing however, the difpofitions of the fulique law. 
Excepting thefe cafes of neceflity, the Kings were 
accuftomed to affemble the States General, in ur- 


gent conjunctures, and to determine, according 
to their advice, in affairs of moft importance. 
" In effect," fays l/avila, " what energy may 
not the refolutions of the 'Prince derive, from 
the concurrence of his fubjecls ? What can be 
more conformable to the true fpirit of monarch- 
ical government, than this harmony between the 
fbvereign and the people r" In truth, Davila, 
1\ h n<rf ^> tnou gh tnou art a Profound Fiftoriar, thou art 
buta'fuperficial Legifla'tor ! Hiftory anfwers the 
to-ni/>fiw ^"^ueftion, that nc energy at all, nor any thing 
J qrtutaJ/an but divifion, diffraction and extravagance were 
jh'Lhurki derived to the refolutions of the Prince, till the 
,. ftates were laid afide. In the language of my 
Jjicutd itM >"' motto, two authorities were up, neither fu- 
rwih.ft'afirn preme, and confufion entered 'twixt the gap. 
Ih ai Ma- f em Nothing can be more directly repugnant to mo- 
norchical government than fuch affemblies, be- 

fli Ul & &+ TTJ ** f i r -i 1 ir J 

caufe they let up rivals to the King, and ex- 
a i/t^-v 5^ cite doubts and queftions, in whom the fovereign- 
ty refides. If a negative is given by them, to 
the will of the Prince, they become a part of the 
fovereignty, annihilate the Monarchy, and con- 
vert it into a Republic. If they are mere councils 
of advice, they become of cabal, for af- 
piring grandees to force themfelves into the 
mmiilry. Never indeed was it more neceffary 
to new model the government, and regenerate 
the nation, than in the prefent conjuncture, when 
the rivalries of the grandees, employing as inftru- 
inents, the differences in religion, disturbed the 
whole kingdom, and demanded the prompteft 

Upon the reiterated or 'ers of the court, the 
deputies of tiie Provinces, had reforted to Or- 
Q #'Y: leans, from the beginning of October 1560, and 

!/ v / the King havinsj arrived in perfon, accornpanie4 
d OJ: b y 


by moft of the Lords and great officers of the 
crown, they waited only for the difcontented 
Lords and Princes, to open the Affembly. 
Conftable and his fons, were, as ufual, at Chan- 
tilly. The King of Navarre and the Prince of ff 
Conde, were Itili at Beam. The King had wnt- 
ten to them all, to invite them to the States ; and 
altho they bad not explicitly refufed, they invent- 
ed pretexts upon pretexts, to excufe themfelves, 
and gain time. Thefe affected delays diftreffed 
the King and the miniftry. They apprehended, 
with reafon, that the refuial of the Princes of the - 
blood, ariiing from their own fufpicions, or 
upon fome certain information of what was in- 
tended againfl them, would defeat all the projects 
and preparations, founded only on the hope that 
they would affift at the States General. The 
Prince of Conde, could not be in doubt that they 
had drawn, either from the prifoners of Amboife, 
or from La jSague, or from the confpirators ar- 
refted at Lyons, evidence fufllcient to difcover 
his defigns. No motive, therefore, could deter- 
mine him to place himfelf a fecond time, at the 
difcretion of a court where his enemies were all 
powerful. The King of Navarre thought differ- 
ently. Lefs culpable, or more credulous than his 
brother, he believed, that by going to the States, 
they mould obtain, without difficulty, that re- 
form in the government, which had already cofl 
them fo much labor ; whereas, by refilling to 
t>e prefent, they would betray their own interefts, 
and leave the field open to the ambition and vio- 
lence of the Princes of Lorrain. He could not 
believe, that under the eyes of the whole nation 
afiembled, a King fcarcely out of his infancy, an 
Italian Princefs, and two ftrangers, would dare 



to imbrue their hands in the blood of the Princes 
of the royal houfe, which the Monarchs the moft 
abfolute and the moil vindictive, had ever regard- 
ed as facred. All thefe motives determined him 
to venture to the States, with the Prince, to 
whom he reprefented, that they would infallibly 
condemn him unheard, if he continued obftinate- 
ly to abfent himfelf from court ; whereas, by 
appearing there, and gaining to his interefts the 
deputies in the States, there was every reafon to 
hope, that if, on judging him with rigor, they 
mould blame his proceedings, the equity of his 
pretenfions, would afford him a favourable co- 
lour, and in the laft extremity, his birth would 
obtain him a pardon. All the confidants and par- 
tizans of the Princes, fupported this advice, ex- 
cept the wife and mother-in-law of the Prince of 
Conde, who conftantly rejected it, and judged 
that his life was aimed at, and that of all the 
courfes he could take that which was recommend- 
ed to him was the moft dangerous. 

r TU b l * n tne midft of thefe irrefolutions, the King 
fent them De Cruffol and Saint Andre, to engage 
fli Andre, them to repair to Orleans. Thefe Lords remon- 
, , H 'ft rated to them, that an Affembly fo relpectable, * 

JCnt 10 ffl( j i_- i r j r 

and which occaiioned 10 great an expence to the 
J*6urb<m.* cU King and the nation, had not been called but on 
$> earn e their account, and to fatisfy their complaints and 
demands : That they were there to deliberate on 
the means of reforming the government, and 
appealing the difputes ot religion ; matters of fo 
high importance, that they could not be decided, 
without the prefence and concurrence of the Prin- 
ces of ..ic blood. That if the Princes of Bourbon, 
after having fo often demanded the reformation 
of the government, and an examination of the 



caufe of the Hugonots, refufed to aflift at the 
States aflembled tor thofe purpofes, it would feem 
that they meant to trifle with the King, and in- 
fult the majefty of an aflembly which represent - 
ed the body of the nation. That they ought 
hereafter, to impute to themfelves alone, their 
exclufion from dignities and governments, ilnce 
they had not deigned to come and receive the 
authority which the King appeared difpofed to 
grant them, with the concurrence of the States. 
That this conduct proving their little attachment 
to the fervice of the King, and the good of the 
kingdom, they ought not to be furprized if the 
firmed refolutions mould be taken to extirpate 
the feeds of difcord, and manifeft dcfigns to dif- 
turb the (late. That if the King was difpofed to 
reward fuch as gave him proofs of their obedience 
and fidelity, he was equally determined to reduce 
to a forced but neceilary fubmiilion, thofe who 
mould attempt to refift his will, and excite re- 
volts in the cities and Provinces of his kingdom ; 
a crime of which he would fufpect the Princes of 
Bourbon, as long as they mould neglect to juftify 
themfelves, and their abfence and obftinacy mould 
confirm, the injurious reports which were fpread 
concerning them. That hitherto neither the 
King nor his Council, had given credit to them ; 
but that the King defired that, for the honor of 
the royal blood, the Princes would give proofs of 
their fidelity and of their zeal for the good of 
the ftate, and would juftify the fincerity of their 
intentions in the eyes of Fiance, whofe attention 
was attracted and fixed by the aflembly of the 
States. Thefe reprefentations made little im- 
preilion on the Prince of Conde, who was rcfolv- 
ed not to rifque his perfon, in a place where 




enemies could do all things. But his firiii- 
ncfs was, in the end, conftrained to bend 
under the ncceflity. Gruffol returned to court, 
with an account of the averfion of the Prince,' 
to come to the States. The Guiles advifed to 
employ force to determine him. The Queen did 
not oppofe it : and the King took the refolution 
to conftrain them by force of arms. To this 
end they fendde Thermcs into Gafcony, andbe- 
*/<-ft w gan to form under his command, an army com- 
pofed of Gendarmcry and all the Infantry diftri- 
butcd in the neighbouring Provinces. 

The Bourbons were without troops, deftitute 
of every thing, (hut up in Beam, a little Province 
at the foot of the Pyrcnnees, wedged in between 
France and Spain. They doubted -not, that if, 
on the one hand the troops of the King aflembled 
in Gafcony, and on the other, thofe of the Kins: 

* 7 7 O 

of Spain, who ardently wiflied to invade the 
feeble remains of MavL\_Te, mould attack them, 
they mould eafily be fubjugated and ftripped of 
their dominions. The infurreclions which the 
Prince of had excited in France, had been 
attended with no fuccefs. He was in Beam 
without troops and without money. The King 
of JNavarre who would not expoie the reft of his 
ftatcs, nor his wife and children, whom he had 
about him, yielded to nccellity, more powerful 
than any tounfels, and finally determined his 
brother on the journey to Orleans, in the gene- 
ral perforation, that, especially during the fefllon 
of the States, the rniniitry would not take any 
violent refolution againil them ; whereas, by ob- 
-Hinately remaining at Beam, they would expofe 
thcmfelves to the infamy which always accom- 
panies the name of rebels, and ruin themfelves 



vtilhout rcfource.- The Cardinal of Bourbon, 

their brother, contributed not a little to haftei\ 

this refolution. The ibftnefs and ductility of his 

character, his avcrfion to troubles, his tendernefs 

for his brothers, and the infinuations of the 

Queen, engaged him to ride poft to Beam, as foon 

as he learnt the intentions and preparations of 

the court, to force the King of Navarre and the 

Prince of Conde' to appear at the States. He ex- 

aggerated, on one hand, the number of troops 

dcitincd againit them, and capable of cruiliing 

them ; and on the other, he affured them, that 

the King and the Queen, had difcovered none, 

but favorable difpoiitions, and an earned zeal to 

re-eflab'im concord and public tranquility. They 

left, therefore, the Queen Jane and her children, Ja/ht- Omd kw 

at Pau, andwith fewattendantSjall three together, [ t kLL < 4 r >~, 

took the road to Orleans. 

The Conftable, whom the court affecled to 
urge lefs, becaufe he was in a place where he 
might be more eafily compelled, had commenced 
his journey with more confidence in appearance, 
but in reality with more precaution. He had 
not abetted the difcontcnted but with his coun- 
fels, which only tended to demand juftice of the 
States, without plotting confpiracies, or exciting 
infurreclions. A refuial to go to court might 
fortify the fufpicions conceived againft him : He 
therefore employed artifice and diilimulation, 
delay his arrival and regulate his proceedings by L 
the example of the Princes. Arrived at Paris, he^/ 3 *^ **' 
pretended to be attacked with the gout, and rc-J-t~i'j 
turned to Chantilly to re-eflablifh liis health. HeJ> / 
again attempted to proceed, but under the pre- J ^^ v 
text that the change of air and the motion oi the 
carriage incommoded him, which his advanced**-' 

ow could 


age rendered plaufible enough ; he travelled by 
little day's journeys, frequently by crofs-ways,. 
at a diilance from the great road, where he made 
long delays, to prolong the time, till the arrival 
of the Princes. His fons, in perfuading him to 
haftcn his march, reprefented to him, that neither 
the Queen mother nor the Guifes would ever 
dare to attempt any thing againft a man, fo re- 
fpected as he was in the kingdom. The Confta- 
ble, inftructecl by experience, anfwered them, 
that the miniftry could govern the ftate at its 
plcafure, and without oppontion, though they 
fcemed to be preparing for themfelves a formida- 
JteU** tt*~ ble one, by callino; the States General. That this 

ti u~i conduce inveloped fome inyitenous intrigue* 
which he ihould be able to unveil, with a little 
patience. This judicious reflection abated the 
ardor of the young Lords,.and the Conftable con- 
tinued to temporize- 

Neverthelefs the King of Navarre and the 
p r i nce o f Conde had been received on the fron- 
3 "/>**. t j ers ^ t } ie Marihal de Thermes, who, under the 
pretext of paying them the honors due to their 
yktnrmA rank, followed them with a large body of Caval- 
ry, to make fure of the cities become fufpectecl 
by the depofition of La Sague. At the fame 
time, he ordered poffeffion to be taken by other 
troops, both of Cavalry and Infantry, of all -the 
roads, whicji the Princes left behind them, left a 
change of their rcfolution mould determine them 
to return. As foon as it was known at court, 
that the Princes had entered the kingdom, and 
were fo well obferved by DC Thermes, they ar- 
reiled, all on afudden, Jerome Grollot, Bailif of 
Jtrsnu. troll at Orleans, accufed of intelligence with the Hugo- 
A Uci nots, to caufc a revolt of that city in favor of the 



clifcontented Princes ; and by order of the King, 
they fent to prifon the Vidamc of Chartres, who/fcfai"< 
had been imprudent enough to remain in the 
Capital. They had not the fame fuccefs in at- 
tempting to feizc Dandelot. As prudent a 
fubtle in providing againft dangers, as ardent 
and daring in forming defigns, he retired fudden- 
ly to the coafts of Brittany, refolved to embark 
for England in cafe of neceffity. The Admiral . .. . 

Coligni, whofe addrefs and diffimulation, accord- "** 

ing to Davila, had hitherto conducted every 
thing, without difcovering or expofmg himfelf, 
was among the firft in the States General, with 
defign there to labor in favor of his party. The 
King and the Queen had received him as ufual, 
with benevolence. He employed himfelf in fol- 
lowing with his eye, all the meafures of the 
court, in order to give information of them, fe- 
cretly, and with extreme precautions, to the 
Conftable and the King of Navarre. 

All thefe delays were exhaufted, when the 
Princes of the blood arrived at Orleans, the 2Qth 
of October, without any perfon's going out to 
receive them, except a imall number of their 
Dioft intimate friends. They found not only the 
gates of the city guarded, but bodies of guards 
placed and batteries erected in the ftrongeft pofis, 
in the crofs ftreets and public places ; precautions 
which the court had not ufually taken in times 
of war. They parlcd through the midft of this 
formidable apparatus, and came to the King's 
Lodge, where they kept a more exact guard, 
than at the head-quarters of an army. Arrived 
at the gate, they would have entered on horfb- 
back, according to the right attached to their 

rank : 


rank : but they found only a wicket gate opcni 
and were obliged to alight in the open itreet, and 
few perfons appeared to receive or falute them. 
They were conducted to the King, whom they 
found fitting between the Duke of Guife and the 
Cardinal of Lorrain, furrounded by the Captains. 
of his guards. He received the King of Navarre 
and the Prince of Conde, with a coldnefs very 
different from that affability which the Kings of 
France are accuftomed to practice to all their 
fubjects, but above all to the Princes of their 
blood. He conducted them foon to the Queen- 
rnother, where the Guifes did not follow them. 
Catharine of Medicis, who wifhcd always to ap- 
pear neuter and diimterefted, received them with 
ordinary demonftrations of fnendfhip, but with 
an affected forrow, and artificial tears. The King 
/<" continued to treat them with the fame coldnefs, 

i /I *\ and addreffing himfelf to the Prince of Conde, 
lie began to reproach him, that without having 

fccmiU. received from his Majefty, either difpleafure or 
ill treatment, he had in contempt of all laws, di- 
vine and human, excited feveral times his fub- 
jects, inkindled a war in different parts of his 
kingdom, attempted to feize on his principal 
cities, and confpired againft his life, and that of 
his brothers. The Prince, without emotion, 
anfwered with fircnnefs, that thefe accufations 
were fo many calumnies forged by his enemies. 
We muft proceed then, replied the King, by the 
ordinary ways of juftice, to difcover the truth. 
He went out of the apartment of the Queen, and 
commanded the Captains of his guards to arreft 

~ ' the Prince of Conde. The Queen-mother, forced. 

ui&c ar to C onfent to this meafure, but who had not for- 
gotten that things might change, from one mo- 


inent to another, exerted hcrfelf to confolc the 
King of Navarre. The Prince complained of 
none but the Cardinal of Bourbon his brother, 
who had deceived him ; and fuffercd himfelf to 
be conducted to a neighbouring houfc, deftined f ^ . 
for his prifon. They had walled up the windows, " )7 - 
doubled the doors, and made it a kind of fortrefs 
defended by feveral pieces of artillery and a 
ilrong guard. The King of Navarre, alloniihed 
at the detention of his brother, breathed out hi.-; 
grief in coin plaints and reproaches to the Queen, 
who, cafting all the blame on the Duke of Guif'e, 
as Lieutenant General of the Kingdom, endeav- 
ored only to exculpate herfelf. To the King of 
Navarre, they gave for a lodging, an houfe, at a 
.little diftance from that which the Kincr occupied, 
and guards' to obferve his motions ; ib that, ex- 
cepting the liberty of feeing whom he pleafecl, he 
was in all other refpech treated and confined like_> 
a prifoner. At the fame time they arrefted Eon- J!>au.cAti~t. 
chart, his fecretary, with all his lettersand papers; >-^^^ 
and Madeleine de Roye, mother-in-law of \\\QjHouL,L*i 
Prince, with all her lettersand papers, at her feat at ew +&* 
Anili. Although they held the gates of Orleans ^ 
lliut, and differed no perfon to go out, the news of 
thcfe tranfactions were announced to the Con- 
liable, who was ftill but a few leagues from Paris, / 
He fufpended his journey, refoh r ed to pafs no fur- 
ther, but to wait and obferve the confequences of 
thefe events. 

Thus the myftery fufpected by the Conftable% Jta.ta 
was unriddled. The States General wcrefum- a^-ra. 
moned only as a net is laid, artfully to beiprung^ 
upon game. This game were the Conftable and 
Princes, and their principal friends. They were 
a mere ftalking-horfe, behind which to ihoot a 

wood-cock j 


wood-cock ; and that wood-cock was the Prince 
of Conde. Although of the two authorities 
which were up, the Court and the States, neither 
was fupreme ; yet the one we fee might be taken 
by the other. We {hall foon fee that confufion 
entered by the gap. 

No. 22. 

iatervftnit dande* his cogttattonibus t avttum malum, regnl 
atque inde fadum cert amen coortum. 

THE Queen-mother and the Guifes, delayed 
no longer the opening of the States. They began 
by the profefiion of faith, drawn up by the Sor- 
bonne, conformably to the doctrine of the Roman 
Catholic Church. The Cardinal de Tournon, 
Preiident of the order of the Clergy, read it with 
a loud voice, and each of the deputies approved 
and adhered to it, upon oath -. a precaution 
which they judged neceflary to affure themfelves 
. of the catholicity of thofe who were to have a 

fa x deliberative voice, in the general ailembly. After 
this ibkmn act, the Chancellor propofed, in the 
prefence of the King, the matters which were'to 
be taken into confideration. At the inftance of the 
Provinces, the three orders feparated, to examine the 
refpedive demands, and make report of their rcfolu- 
iions. But all this was merely theatrical : it was 
R-othing but farcical fcenery. The Guifes knew, 
as well as the Conftable de Montmorency, that 



the miniftry could govern thekingdom, and nation 
at its will, us a Court or hereditary Supreme Exe- 
cutive always will, where it is checked only by a 
{ingle reprefqntative atTeinbly, cfpecially it' that 
afTembly have no authority but to advife. un- 
lefs it has recourfe to violence. Nay, if it 
have Legiflative authority, the majority in that 
aiTcmbly can only govern, by impofing its own 
men on the Executive, in other words, by 
forcing the King to take their creatures into the 
miniftry. So that the miniftry and the majority 
in the National Affembly muft always act in con- , / 

cert, and be agreed; and they generally are fo, fOor*lQu<& lb 
to the intolerable oppreffion of the minority, as f,^ 
in this cafe, until. the minority rife in arms, &* 
Reformation of government, and liberty of 
confcience, and redrefs of grievances in re- 

,. . r i_- A. i ' t i i 

ligion, were fubjects which the court had too 
much cunning to bring before the Affembly. 
That would have been, as the Conilable exprefled 
it, to have prepared a formidable opposition to 
fhemfelves. Had the point been then fettled, 
that the States were a Legiflative Affembly ; and 
had the queftion of religion been brought fairly 
into deliberation and difcuflion before them, it is 
very probable that liberty of confcience to the 
Hugonots, might have been the remit, even in 
that age. But thefe, as Davila fays, were the 
fmalleft objects they had in view : all minds ex- 
peeled with much more folicitucle, the iffue of 
the detenfion of the Prince of Conde. Their 
doubts were foon refolved by a declaration of 
council figned by the King, the Chancellor and 
all the grandees, except the Guifes, who, as fuf- 
pecled of partiality, affected not to appear in this 
affair. A commiflion was eftabliflied for the 
trial of the Prince, with authority to render a 



1 cU { definitive fentence. DC Thou, prefident, and 
. / ^ Faye and Viole, counfellors of the Parliament of 
p ar j Sj ^verc the Judges Bourdin, Attorney Gen- 
eral, Tillot, Secretary : All the interrogations 
and acts were done in the prefence of the Chan- 
cellor L'Hopital. They heard the depofitions of 
the prifoners of Amboife, Lyons and others. 
They made preparations to interrogate the Prince. 
He refufed to anfwer, alledging that in quality 
of Prince of the blood, he acknowledged no other 
tribunal, than the Parliament of Paris. He de- 
manded an affembly of all the chambers of Par- 
liament ; that the King" mould be prefent in per- 
fon, and that the twelve Peers mould have a 
voice, as well as the great oflicers of the crown, 
according: to the ancient ufao-e. That he could 

O *-* 

not excufe himfelf, for not remonftrating againfl 
a proceeding fo unheard of, and irregular, and 
from appealing to the King. This appeal was 
carried to council, and appeared authorized by 
reafon, by the ordinary formalities, and by the 
cuftoms of the kingdom. But the fpirit of rival- 
ry, which is the fpirit of party, demanded a fud- 
den vengeance : a party at prefent triumphant, 
but doubtful whether it were at bottom the moft 
powerful, were impelled by fear, as well as hatred, 
to wim a prompt decifion. The appeal was de- 
clared null. But the Prince, having renewed it, 
and perfifted in his protections, the council, at 
the motion of the Attorney-General, pronounced 
that they ought ro confidei *he Prince as con- 
victed, iince he refufed to anfwer to commiflion- 
ers named by the King. In this manner they 
obliged him to fubmit to interrogatories, and. 
purfued the trial, without lofs of time, to final 

The Princes of Bourbon, at the fummit of 



misfortune, were very near expiating with their 
blood, the heinous crime of daring to ftand in. 
competition with the Guiles, to patronize liberty 
of confcience, and to fhelter from perfecution the 
diftrefled Hugonots : as Manlius was precipitated 
from the Tarpeian Rock, for being the friend of 
the oppreffed debtors, and the rival of Camillus 
and the Quintian family. Both were accufed, 
it is true, with crimes againft the ftate. The 
fplendor of the birth^of the two Bourbons, and 
their perfonal merit, interefted all France. Even 
their enemies pitied their deftiny. The Guifes 
alone, naturally enterprizing, purfued conftantly 
their deligns, without regard to the merit or 
quality of thofe Princes, whether they judged 
fuch an act of fe verity abfolutely neceflary, to 
the fafety and tranquility of the kingdom, or 
whether, as their enemies fuppofed, they had no- 
thing in view but the deftruction of their rivals, 
and the eftablifliment of their own grandeur. 
They declared openly, that it was neceflary by 
two ftrokes, at the fame time, to ftrike off the 
heads of Herefy and Rebellion. Such is the fpirit 
of 'fophiftry : and fuch is the fpirit of party. The VV aJ: 
Queen-mother, although me confented fecretly, // 
and wimed that the refolution taken at Amboife, 
of deftroying the Princes, mould be executed, 
delircd neverthelefs, that all the odium of it 
Ihould fall upon the Guifes, as flie had always 
had the addrefs, to accOmplim. She propofed 
to manage the two parties, for fear of thofe un- 
forefeen events, which the inconflancy of fortune 
might produce ; and affected much grief and 
melancholly in her behaviour, and referve in her 
difcourfe. She had even frequent conferences /-/-// 

with the twoChatillon Sj the Admiral andCardinal,^* C*& 


in which {he appeared difpofed to feek fome ex- 
pedient, to extricate from danger the Princes of 
the blood. She amufed in the fame manner, the 
Dutchefs of Montpenfier, a Princefs full of the 
fa i f beft intentions, an enemy of all diffimulation, 

, / ( " and who judged of the characters of others by 

#TIC f#*r (,h&Tt{u , T n.'Jj r ; 1 TT r A. 

., , the rectitude or her own. Her inclination to 

Calymifm, and her intimate connections with 
the King of Navarre, had enabled her to com- 
mence and continue between that Prince and 
the Queen, a fecret correspondence. Thefe in- 
trigues, although directly oppofite to the conduct 
which the court held in public, were palliated 
with ib much artifice, that the rnofl clear-lighted, 
could not unravel their genuine defign, even 
when they reflected on the depths of the fecrets 
Hem eUtfm of mankind, and the diverfity of interefts and 
}L pafllons which ferve as motives to their actions. 
? Already the commiilloners had rendered their 
judgment again ft the Prince of Conde. They 
had condemned him. as convicted of high treafon 
and rebellion, to be beheaded, before' the palace 
of the King, at the hour of the affembly of the 
States General. They delayed the execution, 
only to draw into the fame fnare the Conftable, 
who, in fpight of the repeated inftances of the 
court, {till delayed his journey to the States. 
They wiihed to involve in the fame profcription 
the King of Navarre, but they had not proofs 
againft him, fufficient to fatisfy their own crea- 
' tures, when one morning the King, in dreffing 

l ?. himfelf, fell all at once into a fwoon, fo deep, and 
' violent, that his officers believed him to be dead. 
He recovered his fenfes, it is true : but his malady 
was judged to be mortal, and his life was defpair- 
ed o*f. This fatal mifchance terrified the Guifes. 



They prcfled the Queen-mother, to execute the 
ientence ao;ainil the Prince of Conde', while the 


breath remained in the body of the King, and to 
take the fame refolution againlt the King of 
Navarre, to prevent nil the revolutions which 
they might have to fear, in cafe of the King's 
death. They reprefented to her, with warmth, 
that this was the fole means oi : preferring .the 
crown to her other infant children, and of difli- 
pating the ftorm which menaced France : tint, 
although the Conftable was not arrefted, and in 
the prefent delicate circumilances, it would not 
be prudent to feize him, yet that when they 
fliould have no longer to fear, neither the credit, 
nor the pretenfions of the Princes of the blood, 
the Conftable would be lefs formidable, as he 
would neither have the nobility in his interefts 
nor the Hugonots of his party : that to deliberate 
in the moment of execution, and fufpend it in 
this critical fituation of the King, would be ,to 4 
lofe the fruit of fo many projects conducted to 
their end, with let' much artifice and patience: 
that even the death of the King ought not to be 
an obftacle, becaufe that brothers fuccecding him 
of right, the fame reafons and the fame interefts 
ftill fubfifted, both for them and their mother. 
The Queen who had known how to preferve 
herfelf neuter, at leafl in appearance, and who 
had not motives fo urgent to precipitate mea- 
fures, coniidered that under a minority, Kings 
might change their afpecb, and that the exceffive 
grandeur of the Guifes remaining without oppo- 
iition, might become to her as formidable as the 
ambition of the Princes of the blood. Thus, 
fometimes by fuppofing the diftemper of the 
King to be lefs dangerous, tbmetimes by fpread- 


ing favorable reports of a fpeedy cure, {he gained 
time, delayed the execution of the Prince, and 
refer ved the liberty of acting according to circum- 
ftances, conformably to thofe views, in which fhe 
was confirmed by the councils of the Chancellor 
de L'Hofpital. As foon as fhe had known that 
the King's life was in danger, me requefted the 
fon of the Duke de Montpenfier, to conduct her 
fecretly one night into the apartment of the 
King of Navarre, and in a long converfation 
which me had with him, fhe endeavored, with 
her ordinary diflimulation, to perfuade him, that 
ihe was very far from approving all that had 
faffed, and wifhed to act in concert with him, to 
oppofe the ambition of the Guifes. The Prince 
depended little on the fincerity of thefe proteft- 
ations : they had however an effect in the fequel. 
On the fifth of December the King died. 
Ac* S*.^t<T Charles the ninth, fecond fon of the Queen, 
fucceeded to Francis the fecond, his brother. 
^ Jut ^ e was kut eleven years of age, and muft have 
. a tutor anc j the Kingdom a -regent. 

i\ / ' 

No. 23. 

* Utrumque regem, fua multitude confalutaverat. 

^ EACH party expected its own regent. The 
ancient ufage, and laws often confirmed by the 
States, called of right to the function, the King 
of Navarre. But what a reverfe ? What an ap- 
pearance ? To confide the perfon of the young 



King, and the government of the kingdom to a 
Prince SuSpected of a conspiracy againft the ftate, 
detained as a priSoner, and the accomplice of a 
brother condemned to death ! iff// 

The Guiles had o-overncd with Supreme ruitho- Ww Jh cui ( 

rity under the late King, and attempted the molt 
violent meaSurcs. By committing to them the 
fame power, it was eafy to follow the fame plan ori (t 
and execute the lame defigns. But they were ^ 
not of the royal blood : how, commit to them 
the tutorage of a young King, contrary to all the 
laws of the monarchy ? What envy, what jca- 
loufy, what oppofitions would they not have to 
contend with, from the nobility and the grandees, 
who would be difcontcnted with their power, 
and afpire to defpoil them of it ? 

The States had Sometimes con Sided the reo'en- 


cy to the mothers of Kings, during their minori- 
ty, and in the prefent competition of So many 
interefts and contending factions, it was not pru- 
dent to place in other hands, the life of the 
King, and the confervation of the Hate. But a 
woman, a Stranger, without partifans, and with- 
out Support, could me maintain her ground a- 
gainft two Such powerSul factions, ready to Sup- 
port their prctenSions by the Sorce of arms ? 
The Gi/ijes, forcfeeing what might eafily happen, 
leagued themSelves with the Cardinal de Tonrnon^ 
the Duke de Nemours, the Marflials de Brijfac and 
Saint Andre, Sippiere, governor of Orleans, and 
many other great Lords, with whofe influence 
they reinSorced their party, to defend their lives 
and preferve their power. The King of Navarre, 
conceiving happier hopes for the future, united, 
more ftrictly than ever, with the Chatillons, the 
Admiral and Cardinal, the Prince de Porcicn, 


and many others of their partifans. He 
iecretly armed his friends, and difpatched couri* 
er after courier to tjie Conftable. The two par- 
ties, having thus placed thernfelves in a pofture 
of defence, the whole court, and the troops di- 
vided themfelves among them, and even the de- 
puties of the States took their party, each one 
followed his paffions, his intereft, or his princi- 

Never did the neceffity of a third mediating 
power, or an umpire, appear more plainly than 
in this cafe. Had there been a conilitution in 
France, and had that conftitution provided, as it 
ought to have done, a third party, whofe intereft 
and duty it fhould have been to do juftice to the 
other two, and every individual of each, there 
; would have been little .danger to the peace, li- 
berty or happinefs of the people : for fuch an in-. 
-termediate authority, by doing juftice to all fides, 
would have been joined and fupported by the 
honeft and virtuous of all fides, and by this means 
would have controuled both parties by the laws. 
But in this inftance it feemed impoflible to foisTi 
a third party. Agitation and terror reigned 
every where. It was dreaded every moment 
that the friends of the King, of Navarre, and 
thofe of the Guifes would come to blows. All 
their meafures and devices tended mutually to 
deftroy each other. Nature itfelf, however, 
without much aid from any conftitution, pro- 
duced an effect. Although this unbridled ardor 
of ruling, inflamed as it was by private animofl- 
ties, hindered not the two parties from render- 
ing publickly their obedience to the King, this 
fubmiffion had no other principle than a jealoufy 
and mutual apprehenfion, that the one party 



would match from the other the firft /place in 
the government. This motive only,/ and not 
any refpect for a conftitution, had made both 
parties eager to appear to be the firft to do hom- 
age to Charles the IXth, and on the day of the 
death of his brother, he was unanimoufly recog- 
nized as lawful fovereign. This ftep tended in- 
fenlibly to re-eftablifh order and authority. The 
Queen-mother faw that it would not be fafe to 
truft the life of her young children, nor the ad- 
miniftration of the ftate, to either of the parties, 
one of which was extremely irritated and em- 
bittered, and the other full of allurance and 
haughty pretenfions, both well fupported and 
ready to proceed to the laft extremities. She 
deiired to continue iniftrefs of her children, and 
of the o;overnment of the ftate : She propofed, 

O * * At f I 

to this end, to remain as a mediatrix 5 and M^k-it* 
thought that the two parties, unable to agree 
among themfelves, and neither being able to 
triumph over the other, they would both unite 
in her favor, and abandon to her, by concert, an 
authority which the oppolition of their competi- 
tors would hinder them from obtaining for 
themfelves. We fee in this inftance that the 
tripplc balance, is fo eftablimed by providence in 
the conftitution of nature, that order, without 
it, can never be brought out of anarchy andcon- 
fuiion. The laws therefore ihould cftabliili this 
equilibrium, as the dictate of nature and the or- 
dinance of providence. 

Catharine hoped, that by conducting with a- 
bility, the reins of the ftate would return to her 
hands. She firft thought of making lure of tkc 
Princes of Lorrain. A negotiation fo delicate 
and thorny, ought not to be conf.dcd to any but 



the ableft hands. The Queen, after having caft 
her eyes on feveral perfons, fixed them at laft on 
the Marfhal de Saint Andre, as the man of the 
court the moft proper to affure herfuccefs. She 
lent for him, and after feveral difcourfes, the re- 
iult was, that it would be impofiible to terminate 
the differences of the two parties, without tu- 
mult and war, but by relaxing fomewhat of their 
pretenfions, by ceding a part on both fides, and 
making the Queen the arbitratrix of their inter- 
eft. That by this plan, the two parties, without 
yielding one to the other, would appear, from 
refpect, and for the peace of the public, to give 
way to the mother of their King, who fliould 
hold the equilibrium between the Guifes and the 

The Queen was a politician refined enough to 
pretend that me was indebted for this council to 
the prudence of the Marfhal, rather than that 
Hie had fuggefted it to him, which was the fact. 
The Mzkffiial, judging without paffion, that this 
project would be very convenient to the ilippery 
and perilous (ituation in which the Guifes flood, 
undertook to negotiate with their party. Upon 
the propofition which he made of it to the Duke 
an d Cardinal, and which they brought into deli- 
beration in an aiTcmbly of their confidents ; the 
opinion of thefe, and even of the two brothers, 
were divided. The Duke, who had more cau- 
tion and moderation than his brother, yielded to 
the accommodation, which was to leave him in 
polTellion of the governments and riches which 
he held front the liberality of the late Kings. 
But the Cardinal more ambitious and more vio- 
v*o~ ] en t ? rejected all compromifes, and pretended 
that they would prefefve their power in the 



fame degree, as they had cxercifed it under Fran- 
cis lid. The fentiment of the Duke was approv- 
ed by the Cardinal de Tournon, the Marfhals Brif- 

and Sttif/f Andre ) and above all, by Sepiere, the 
advice of all which perfonages had a weight, 
which accompanies an high reputation for pru- 
dence juftly acquired. All judged it fufficient 
for the Guifes to preferve their credit and honors, 
and preferve themfelves for circumftances more 
favorable ; and the refult they communicated to 
the Queen by Saint Andre, and left to her the 
choice of means the mod proper to treat wijli 
the King of Navarre. 

There remained Hill a greater obftacle to over- 
come : to appeafe the faction of the difconlented 
Princes ; an entcrprize which jmany thought 
impoiTible and chimerical : but the Queen, who 
perfectly knew the characters and difpolitions of 
the perfons with whom fhe had to treat, did not 
dcfpair of obtaining her end. The King of Na- 
varre had for his principal confidents, Defcars^ 
Gafcon, and Lconcourt, Biiliop of Auxerre. Def- 
cars had a contracted genius and little experience ; 
Leoncouri was a defigning politician, but folely in- 
tent upon his own fortune. The Queen fecretly 
gained both, by approaching each on his weak 
iide. She dazzled Defcars with prefcnts, and a- 
mufed him with fpecious reafonings. And flic 
excited in the Bifhop of Auxerre, hopes of ec- 
cleliditical benefices and dignities which he could 
not eafily obtain by the fole credit of the King of 
Navarre. They both promifed, under the pre- 
text of giving faithful and fmcere council to their 
mafter, to favor the negotiations which tended 
to bring the two parties together, and commit 
the regency to the Queen-Mother. 

x The 


rhe Dutchefs of Montpenfier 9 carried the firf? 
propofals of accommodation. Her candor and 
franknefs, had gained the confidence of the Queen 
of Navarre. In the progrefs of things, C arranges- 
and Lanfac, Lords of confummate prudence, en- 
tered inienfibly into this negotiation. By means 
of thefe perfons the Queen propofed to the King 
of Navarre three conditions, i. To fet at liberty 
all who had been arrefted for the confpiracy of 
Amboife, the Prince of Conde, Madam de Roye, 
and the Vidame de Chartres ; and to annul by 
the Parliament of Paris, the fentence againft the 
Prince. 2. To create the King of Navarre, 
lieutenant-general of the kingdom, on condition 
that the Queen had the title and authority of 
regent. 3. To obtain of the King of Spain the 
restitution of Navarre. The confidents of the 
King of Navarre, exaggerated to him thefe ad- 
vantages ; they reprefented to him that the name 
of regent, a title without reality, wasj^ut an emp- 
ty and ipecious found, for which he would be 
abundantly recompenfed by the power and au- 
thority, which would be given him over the 
provinces ; prerogatives in which confifted the 
effective government of the kingdom. That the 
glory of delivering the Prince of Condc, by the 
humiliation of his enemies, joined to the hope of 
re-eftabliming forever his houfe, in its original 
fplendor, left him no room to hefitate. It is not 
a time, faid they, to conteft with rigor againft 
enemies fo powerful. You have to combat the 
prejudices, which your enterprizes againft the 
ftate have excited. Why, upon the brink of a 
precipice, do you indulge chimerical hopes ? The 
deputies of the Jlatcs arc ahno/i all, devoted to the 
of the Qvccn and the Guifes, w/;o have cbofen 



at .their pic afar c and gained them to .their inter- 
If the affair is left to their deciiion, it is to 
be feared that their partiality, will incline them 
to exclude the Princes from the government, 
and commit it to the Guifes, which would infalli- 
bly accomplifh the final ruin of the houfe of 

Thefc reafons (hook the refolution of the King 
of Navarre, and difpofed him to follow thele 
councils : but he was ftill reftrained by the Prince 
of Co fide, whofe keen refentment and defire of 
vengeance, rather than folid reafons, excited to 
advife the contrary. The Duke de Montpenfter 
and the Prince de la Rhoche-fur-pn^ fupported 
thofe who negotiated an accommodation. Both 
were of the houfe of Bourbon, but of a branch 
more diftant from the royal-flock, and had not 
meddled in thefe troubles. 

The King <?f Navarre, before he concluded 
with the Queen, demanded of her by the imme- 
diate negotiators, two new conditions, i. That 
they mould take away from the Guifes all the 
employments they had at court. 2. That liberty 
of confcience mould be given to the Hugono.ts. 
From the time that Calvin had begun to preach 
and co write, the firft feeds of his doctrines had 
bceu fown in the court of Henry, King of Na- 
varre, and Margaret of Valois, his confort, father fau.lL. 3>tu*t<^ 
and mother of the Queen Jane ; and as the minds n an) ^TT* // 
of thefe Princes were indifpofed to the See of t~St-~**^*** 
Rome, which had ftripped them of their flates ,/7> i*k* =*~A^>- ^ 
under pretext of an excommunication, fulminat-^^^ *)-** /> vc 
ed by the Pope, Julius the fecond, againft France, ^ ftj, S **** a*?* 1 * 
and its allies ; in the number of whom was the \ 
iKing of Navarre ; they \vere eafily perfuaded of 
z doctrine contrary to the authority of the Fopc, 



and which taught that the cenfures by which 
they had loft their ftates, were null. The Cal- 
viniftical minifters, frequenting the court of thefe 
Princes, there taught their opinions, which had 
n J caft fo deep roots into the mind of Queen Jane, 

1 -that {he had abandoned the Catholic faith to em- 
brace Calvinifm. Since her marriage with An- 
thony of Bourbon, fhe perfifted in the fame fen- 
timents. She had nearly converted her hufband, 
by the vehement eloquence of Theodore JSeza, 
Peter Martin Vennilly, and other minifters who 
retired into Beam, there to preach their opinions 
in full liberty. The Prince of Conde, the admi- 
ral, and the other chiefs of the party of the Prin - 
ces of the blood, having alfo embraced Calvinifm, 
fome with lincerity, and others to difguife their 
political views, under-the pretext of religion, the 
King of Navarre perfifted more conftantly than 
ever, to declare himielf protector of the Hugo- 
riots. For this reafon, he demanded that they 
ihould grant to the Calvinifts liberty of con- 
fcicnce, as an elfential condition of the treaty, 
opened with the Queens. This Princefs anfwered 
that to deprive the Guifis of the dignities they 
held at court, would be to go directly againft the 
agreement which was in negotiation, and the re- 
folution taken to reftore the tranquility of the 
Kingdom. That thefe Lords who were very 
powerful, and actually armed, would not endure 
an affront fo public and outrageous : but that, 
fupported by the Catholics and the majority of 
the ftates, they would exert all their forces and 
efforts, to maintain their^ground. Shepromifed 
however to employ, in due time, all her addrefs, 
to diminifh their credit and power. .As to the 
liberty of confcience, Ihe convinced them that it 



was a point too delicate, to be granted all at once : 
That the Parliaments and even the States, would 
not fail to oppofc it : But (lie promif'ed, in fecret, 
that in governing with the King of Navarre, fhe 
would labor in concert with him, by indirect and 
concealed ways, tofsize all favorable occafions to 
grant to the reformed all the liberty of confcience 
that might be poilible. The Queen, yielding to 
the neceility of the conjuncture, gave thefe pro- 
mifes, without any intention to obferve them : 
She therefore delayed the execution of them, 
with all her addrefs. In fact, me knew, or at 
leaft believed, that nothing was more contrary 
to the grandeur and interelt of her children, than 
totally to deprefs the Guifes^ who ferved, admi- 
rably well, the purpofe of balancing the power 
of the Princes of the blood. On the other hand, 
the liberty of confcience granted to the 'Hugo- 
hots, would have offended the See of Rome, and 
the other Catholic Princes, and fcattered forever, 
as flie pretended, diforder and diflention in the 

The coalition was on the point of concluflon, 
when the King of Navarre declared that he would 
determine nothing, without the advice, and con- 
fent of the Conilable, who had cured all his 
gouts, fluxions and rheums, or in other words, 
difmifled his pretexts, and approached Orleans. 
It was therefore necefTary to invent new projects, 
to furmount this obftacle, which many imagined 
the moft diilicult of all. The Queen knew to 
the bottom, the character of the Conftable, and 
that nothing flattered him more, than the part 
of umpire or moderator in every thing that 
pafled around him. She thought that by reftor- 
ing him the fupreme command of the army, and 



by alluring lilm, that it was from him that 
wimed to hold her own grandeur, and the fafety 
of her children ; {he would fix him eafily in her 
intereft, and detach him equally from both par- 
ties. Thus, with the advice of the King of Na- 
varre, and the Guifes, who were returning to 
pacific fentiments, and to fubmit all to 
her will ; me ordered the captains of the guards, 
and the governor of Orleans to furrender to the 
Conftable, at his entrance into the city, the com- 
mand of the armies, and to acknowledge him for 
tlieir chief. Thefe marks of honor awakened in, 
the breaft of Anne of Montmorency, the ancient 
fentiments of devotion and fidelity, which had 
attached him for fo many years to the father and 
grand-father of the King. Arrived at Orleans, 
he turned to the captains and faid, with his or- 
dinary -dignity, that fince the King had rcftored 
him his command, they might difpenfe with 
guarding his Majefty fo exactly in full peace ; 
and that without employing the force of arms, 
he would make his matter refpecled through the 
whole kingdom and by .all his fubjects. Arrived 
at the palace, where the Queen loaded him with 
honors, he rendered his homage to the young 
King, and with tears in his eyes, conjured him 
to fear nothing from the prefent troubles, for 
that he and all arood Frenchmen, were readv to 

O 7 ' * r 

facrifice their lives for the fupport of his crown. 
The Queen encouraged by this difcourfe, the firft 
proof of the fuccefs of her contrivances, entered 
without delav into fecret conferences with the 


Conftable, before that others had time to enter- 
tain and to gain him. She protefted that me ex- 
pected every thing from him, both for her chil- 
dren and hcrielf j that the royal authority and the 



ftfblic good were no longer but idL' names, for tixo 
facllons embittered agaiiijl each other, for their mu- 
tual deftruftion ; that me defpaired of prcferving 
to her children under age, a crown envied and 
attacked by iuch powerful enemies ; unlefs his 
fidelity, of which he had fo long given iuch 
fhining proofs, mould caufe him to embrace the 
defence of the young monarch, of a kingdom 
torn with divifions, and of all the royal family. 
Thefe words in the mouth of a woman, a mother, 
a Queen in affliction, made fo deep an imprellion 
on the mind of the Conftable, that he conferred 
to the accommodation ready to be concluded 
with the King of Navarre. Flattered with the 
humiliation of the Guifes, and re-eftabliihed in 
the functions of the firit truft in the kingdom, he 

O ' 

renounced all interefts of faction, and refolved to 
unite with the Queen, for the>prefervation of the 
ftate, in which he afpired only to reaffume the 
place whicli he had merited by his long fervices. 

Concord being thus eftabiifhed, by the authori- 
ty of the Conftable, they affembled the council : 
All the Princes and officers of the crown afllftcd 
at it ; and the Chancellor having, according to 
cuftom, made the proportions in prefence of the 
King, they concluded unanimoufly that the Queen 
mould be declared regent of the kingdom, the 
King of Navarre lieutenant-general in the Pro- 
vinces : the Conftable, generaliiTmio of the ar- 
mies, the Duke of Guife, grand-mafter of the 
King's houmold, and the Cardinal dc Lorrain., iu- 
perintendant of the finances. 

The Prince of Conde was now difcharged from 
Prifon, and an Arret of the Parliament of Paris, 
conceived in honorable terms, difcharged him 
from all the accufations againft him j and the 



fentence declared null and irregular, as 
work of judges incompetent in the caufe of 

Y i i the Princes of the blood. The Vidarne /de Char- 
', * t tres, died of chagrin in the Baflile, before the 

j- nr r it coalition was iiniilied. Thus ended the year 

. * 


^ n tne beginning of the year 1561, the Queen- 
mother and the King of Navarre difmiffed the 
States General, lead the Guifes mould excite fome 
fermentation there. The formation of a con- 
Ititution and the fettlement of religion, were 
never the real objects for which they had been 
called. It appears not that they were even alked 
to ratify the regency in the Queen-mother. So 
loofe and uncertain was the fovereignty of that 
great nation, that a confufed agreement of the 
chiefs of the two factions, was thought fufiicient 
for its government, without any forms or legal 
folernnities. The {lability of the government, 
and the fecurity nf the lives, liberties and pro- 
perties of the people was proportionate to fuch a 
fyflern. The court was ftill agitated with divi* 
liens and diffentions. 

The Guifes , who had obtained but a fmall part 
of their preteniions ; that is to fay, much in ap-^ 
pearance and little in reality ; accuflomed to rule, 
and very difcontented with the government and 
with the Queen, who failed to perform the prom- 
ifes fiie had made to them watched all opportu- 
nities to regain their firil advantages. The 
Prince of Conde, more irritated than ever, kept 
in view his ancient projects, and ,burned with an 
implacable defire of vengeance. The Colignies 
were obftinate to protect the Hugonots. The 
two parties labored to gain the Conftable, but he 
declared that he would remain neuter, and attach 



himfelf only to the King and the Queen. He 
wis confirmed in this refolution by the conduct 
of the King of Navarre, who, fatisfied with the 
prefcnt arrangement, lived in good intelligence 
with the regent, and thought of nothing but 
peace. The Admiral, his brothers, and the 
Prince of Conde, flattered themfelves that the 
connection of blood would draw the Conftable, 
ultimately to their party. The Guifet, who knew 
his attachment to the Catholic faith, and his 
averfion to Calvinifm, which he had cruelly per- 
fecuted under Henry lid, defpaired not to gain, 
him, under the pretext of defending religion, 
and exterminating the Hugonots. The vivacity 
of the King of Navarre, in urging the Queen to 
accomplifli the promifes me had made him in fa- 
vor of the Hugonots, contributed not a little to 
keep up this fermentation. This Princefs, fatif- 
fied with having eftabliihed a kind of equilibrium, 
which fecured her power and that of her children, 
dreaded to intercept it, and avoided all occafions 
of difpleafing the King of Navarre. 

She made ufe of delays and pretexts, in hopes 
that the King of Navarre would relax ; but that 
Prince, excited and tranfported beyond the 
bounds of his character, by the continued infti- 
gations of his brother, and the Admiral, and by 
the urgent folicitations of the Queen his confort, 
became the more ardent in demanding what had 
been promiied him. The Chancellor De L'Hopi- 
1al, whether he judged a liberty of confcience 
neceilary to the good of the ftate, or whether he 
had an inclination to Calvinifm, favored, under 
hand, the folicitations of the King of Navarre. 
He reftrained with all his authority, the feverity 
of the other magistrates, and exhorted the Queen 
Y to 


to be fparing of blood, to leave confciences in 
tranquility, and to avoid every thing which- 
might interrupt a peace, which had coft fo much 
pains to eftablifn. Several of thofe who compo- 
fed the council, iupported thefe inftances of the 
King of Navarre, and protefted that they ought 
to be weary of imbruing their hands in the blood 
of Frenchmen ; and that it was time to put an 
end to punifhments, the fear of which forced fo 
many good fubjects to abandon their houfes, fa- 
milies and country. The Kugonots themfelves, 
among whom were many perfons of ienfe and 
merit, neglected no cares nor means proper to 
favor their caufe ; and fometimes by writing 
compofed with art, and fkiifully propagated ; 
fometimes by petitions prefented in proper fea- 
fons ; and fometimes by periuafive difcourfes of 
their partizans, endeavored to imprefs the great 
in their favor, by pathetic paintings of the mis- 
fortunes with which they were opprefTed. The 
Queen was, at length, obliged to give way to the 
fcntiments and authority of fo many perfons. 
Perhaps fhe was convinced of the wifdom of re- 
laxing a feverity, which fhe was in no condition 
to maintain ; and of abandoning laws, w r hich 
they could no longer execute with rigour. She 
?J /- h confented therefore to an Edict, rendered by the 
<* / *** council on the sSth of January. This EdicT: en- 
joined all magiftrates to releafe all the prifoners 
arrefled, on account of religion ; to flop all pro- 
fecutions commenced for this caufe ; to hinder 
difputes upon matters of faith ; forbidding indi- 
viduals to give each other the odious appellations 
-of Heretics or Papifts : finally, to prevent unlaw- 
ful aflemblies, commotions, feclitions, and main- 
tain concord and peace in all their departments* 



Thus, with the defign of putting an end to pun- 
iftiments and the effufion uf blood, a motive die- 
tated by religion and humanity, Calvinii'm was, 
if not permitted, at Icaft tolerated, and indirectly 

More lively contentions were expected con- 
cerning the promife which reflected the Gitlfes. 
The King of Navarre, recalling to the Queen the 
iecret promifes which fhe had made to him, pre- 
tended, that in his quality of lieutenant-general 
of the kingdom, they ought to deliver to him . ,. /a/- 

the keys of the palace which the Duke of Gulfs J^ n*i**/* 
kept, as grand m.iiter of the King's houfehold. *- 

The Queen, in truth, no longer doubted the 
attachment of the King of Navarre, and of the 
Conflable ; but fhe was not ignorant of the in- 
creafing coldnefs of the Guifes, and delayed with 
all her artifice ; the moment of offending them. 
She wifhed, on one hand, to manage the Hugo- 
nots, protected by the Admiral and the Prince of 
Conde ; and on the other, the Cathoiieks, united 
under the Duke of Guife and the Cardinal of 
Lorraln. Thefe two factions, were like two 
powerful dikes, under the fhelter of which, fhe 
enjoyed a calm. By weakening the Cathoiieks, 
Hie was afraid of putting the Hugonots in a con- 
dition to give her the law. Sometimes by tem- 
porizing, therefore, and fometimes by granting 
other favors to the King of Navarre, flie endea- 
vored to divert him from this pretenfion. But 
the more fhe endeavored to make him lofe fight 
of this object, the more the Prince puriued it 
v/ith warmth. 

Finally, the Queen, that fhe might not deftroy 
the harmony fhe had taken fo much pains to ef- 
tablilh, commanded the captains of the guards, 




no longer to carry the keys of the palace to the 
grand matter of the King's houfe-hold, but to the 
lieutenant-general of the kingdom, to whom this 
prerogative belonged of right. This proceeding 
irritated the Duke of Guife, but infinitely more 
the Cardinal of Lorrain, his brother, lefs becaufe 
they conlidered it as an affront, from which the 
regulation of the council of regency would have 
fcreened them, than becaufe they faw clearly, that 
with the confent of the Queen, the King of Na- 
varre afpired to diflrefs, and cleftroy them. They 
knew very well that they were accufed of liften- 
ing to nothing but their intereft and ambition,, 
and feeing themfelves no longer able to prevail 
in this private quarrel with the Princes of the 
blood, who difpofed of all the forces, as well as 
of the royal authority, they diffembled their re- 
fentments, and complained of nothing but the 
liberty of confcience, which had been tacitly 
granted to the Hugonots, covering thus with 
the fpecious veil, and the pretext of religion, 
their paffions and perfonal interefts. Thus the 
difcords of the great confounded themfelves in- 
fenfibly with the differences of religion, and the 
factions of the Princes, quitting the name of 
/ malcontents and Guifards, to affume the more 

jf k 1 " impofmg titles of Catholics and Hugonots, they 

s it, A / exerted themfelves with the greater fury, as they 
6^ i difguifed it under the names of zeal and of piety. 

r fhe regent and the Conftable, mailers of the 
perfon and authority of the King, held the bal- 
ance in the middle. The Conftable was indeed 
much oppofed to Calvinifm, and attached to the 
Catholic religion ; neverthelefs, his affection for 
his nephews, and the love of peace, induced him 
to confent to make ufe of management in matters 



of religion, until the King fliould arrive at his 
majority. But to corroborate more and more, 
the authority of the young monarch, though a 
minor, thole who held the reins of government 
thought proper to conduct him to Reims, where 
they preServe with veneration, the Phial which a}k<. 
pigeon brought down from heaven, full of holy oil, with ^ 
which Clovis was anointed and confecrated. 

During the ceremony of consecration, there 
arofe a new conteft concerning precedency, be- 
tween the Princes of the blood and the Duke of 
Giiife. The former pretended that it was due to 
their birth. The Duke on his fide demanded it, 
as firft peer of France. The council of State de- 
cided it in favor of the Duke of 'Guife, becaufe the 
prefence of the peers of France, who are twelve 
in number, fix ecclefiaflical and fix laical, was ne- <*"* 
ceffary in this ceremony ; whereas, the Princes 
of the blood, who have no funclicn to difcharge 
in it, may difpenfe with their attendance. This 
light fpark ferved to inkindle and embitter more 
aud more, the Spirits of all parties. The Admi- 
ral and Prince of Conde had Set every machine in 
motion to draw in the Conftable to their intereft : 
They were powerfully feconded by the Marfhal 
of Montmorcnci, his eldeft Son, who was ftrictly 
connected with them. The Conftable, always 
firm in his refolutions, could not determine to 
difhonor his old age, by placing himfe'fatthe 
head of a party, nor by leagueing himfelf with 
thofewhom he thought new enemies of religion. 
The Admiral, always fruitful in refources and ex- 
pedients, imagined one at this time, calculated to 
bring the Conftable into their views, by ways 
tnore indirect. There was then held at Pontoife, 
an afiembly of Some deputies of the Provinces, to 



deliberate upon the means of acquitting the im- 
menfe debts, which the crown had contracted in 
the laft wars. The Marfhal of Montmorsn'd pre- 
iided in it. There were allb fome friends of the 
Admiral. He made ufe of them, to bring upon 
the carpet, whatever he thought proper. The 
Colignies and the Prince of Conde^ there demand- 
ed, by the organ of their confidents, that they 
fiiould oblige all thofe who had received benefits 
or gratifications, from the Kings Francis Ift and 
Henry lid, to report them to the royal treafury, 
pretending, that a calculation being made, with- 
/ out impofing new burthens, they might extin- 
ttornd guifh the greateft part of the debt, which both 
' within and without the kingdom, crufhed the 

ftate and individuals. 

Thofe who had received the greateft benefac- 
tions from the late Kings, were the Gulfes, Diana. 
of Valentinois, the Marfhal Saint Andre, and the 
Conftable. They were defirous indeed of hum- 
bling the former : but as to the latter, they 
meant only to infpire him with fears and jeal- 
oufies, and to force him to join the party of the 
Princes ; that he might not expofe. himfelf to 
lofe the fruit of fo many years of 'fervices and 
toils. The animofity of faction was fo lively, that 
the Colignies were not afraid to excite in their 
uncle thofe chagrins and inquietudes. But this 
ilep had the ordinary fortune of defigns too 
fubtle and too refined. It produced an effect di- 
rectly contrary to that which was intended. The 
propofition amounted to nothing lefs, than. to 
take away from the Conftable and the Guifes, the 
greateft part of their property. Diana, of Val- 
entinois, with whom both parties had formed 
alliances, began to fecund the Conftable, concern- 



ing this rcfcarch, which intcrefted them equally, 
She concerted her plan with art, or a kind of 
prudence, which is not uncommon in women of 
her character ; her avcriion for the Queen, and 
her fears of lofmg all the gains of her trade, 
made her think that the. true means of her fafe- 
ty, would be to allure the Conftable into the 
party of the CathoUc religion, and a clofer con- 
nection with the Guifes. She launched out \i\\.vA H 
invectives againft the Admiral and the Prince of^*-, 
Coude, whom me confideredas the authors of th 
proportion made at the affembly at Pontoife ; 
ihe deplored the miferics of the ftate, whofe 
government, in the hands of a child and a fo- 

O * 

reign woman, was the inftrument of pernicious 
councils, to foment the ambition and gratify the 
pailions of certain individuals, to whom were 
iacrificed the fafety and tranquility of th^king- 
dom ; into which they introduced, without 
ihame, herefies condemned by the Church, and 
againft which the late Kings, with juft feverity, 
had employed fire and fword. She added, with 
the fame vivacity, and fmcerity, that all France 
was aftonifhed and enraged, to fee, that a Mont- 
morcnci, whofe houfe had been the firft of the 
whole nation to embrace Chriftianity ; that a 
man, who for fo long a time had filled the lirfl 
office in the ftate, fhould at prefent allow him- 
fcif to be fafcinated by the artifices of a woman ; 
and that, a Have to her caprices, and to the im- 
perfecl information of the King of Navarre, he 
confented to all their cntcrprizes againft religion. 
She remonftrated to the Conftable, that having 
the arms and the power in his hands, he was in- 
difpenfibly obliged to oppofe the pernicious de- 
figns of government, and to watch ftill, as Ke 



had done fo many times before, over the confer- 
vation of a tottering throne, and a religion 
wholly forfaken. She recalled to his recollection 
that ancient conduct which had procured him fo 
much glory, in oppofmg the aggrandizement of 
ftrahgers. She conjured him that he would not 
fufter two women, one an Italian, the other of 
Navarre, to ruin the principal foundations of the 
French Monarchy ; that is to fay, religion and 
piety ; to remember that the regent was the fame 
Catharine, whofe conduct he had always cenfur- 
ed, and whofe character he detefted ; that the 
Hugonots were thofe fame fectaries, whom he 
had fo eagerly perfecuted under Henry lid ; that 
neither the perfons nor the nature of things were 
changed ; that the whole world would believe, 
that enfeebled by age, he let himfelf be guided, 
either by the ambition or caprice of others, fmce 
he appeared fo different from what he had been. 
Such was the language of Diana, and who fo 
p r0 p er as an harlot, to proititute religion to the 
purpofes of ambition, avarice, and faction. ^ The 
only wonder is, that thefe difcourfes of the 
Dutchefs, which me took care frequently to re- 
peat, began to make an impreffion on the- Con- 
ifable. Sometimes an indignation againft his 
nephews, fometimes the apprehenfions of lofmg 
his fortune, and fometimes his hatred againft 
Calvinifm, fo difpofed him to liften to the Dutch- 
efs, that at length her infinuations, together 
-with thofe of 'Magdalen of Savoy, his wife, fuc- 
ceeded to detach him from the party of the 
i Co*d*J>L* queen. This Magdalen faw with vexation the 
unbounded favors granted to the CJtgnies, which 
fiie wiftied might be conferred on her brother 
Honors, of Savoy, Marquis of Villars. Thus her 




jealoufy neglected nothing to fcrve the latter, and 
to .hurt the nephews of her hufband. Diana alfo, 
engaged the Marfhal de Saint Andre to fecondSk S 
her in this negotiation. The fear of lofing his 
fortune, the violent hatred which he conceived 
againft the Golignies, and the plauiible pretext o 
preferving the Catholic faith, urged him to em- 
ploy his influence with the Conftable in favor of 
the Guifes ; who, as foon as they were informed 
of it, omitted neither artifices, fubmiffions nor 
intrigues, to compleat the conqueft ; hoping by 
this means to re-eftablim their power, or at Jeaft 
to recover a great part of it. The "Marfhal o 
Montmorcnd was the only one who could crofs 
this negotiation. But Diana, "his wife, having 
fallen lick at Chantilly, he was obliged to leave 
his father, to attend her. The Guifes, difembar- 
raiTed of this obftacle, put the laft hand to their 
agreement with the Conftable, for the preferva- 
tion of the Catholic religion and the mutual de- 
fence of their fortunes. 

The Queen informed of this union, thought 
herfelf deprived of her firmed fupport, and dread- 
ed, that the Princes of Lorrain, fupported by the 
credit of the Conftable, and difcontented with 
her, might attempt to take from her the regency. 
She thought it neceffary therefore, to conneft 
herfelf more ftrictly with the King of Navarre, 
to counterbalance this new party. She directed 
all her cares to maintain that equilibrium, which 
allured her power, and that of her fon. She en- 
tered into all the views of the King of Navarre, 
in favor of the Hugonots. Under the'pretext of 
maintaining peace during the minority of the 
King, and of conciliating the hearts of the people, 
by a reputation of clemency, flic pubiifhed new 
z declarations, 



declarations, which enjoined upon all the 
ments and all the other magistrates of each pro- 
vince, to moleft no man on account of religion ; 
to reftore the goods, houfes and poffeflions to 
all thofe, who, in times paft, had been depriv- 
ed of them, on fufpicion of herefy. The par- 
liament of Paris, and fome other magiftrates re- 
fufed to comply : but the Hugonots, thinking 
themfelves authorized by the will and orders of 
the King, of the regent, and the difpofitions of 
the council, aiTumed to themfelves, as they had a 
better right to do from God and nature, a liber- 
ty of confcience, and their numbers and forces- 
augmented from day to day. This was to ful- 
fil the views of the Queen, if thefe religionifts 
had known how to reftrain themfelves within 
the bounds of moderation and reafon. But as 
it commonly happens to people, who fufTer them- 
felves to be tranfported by their paflions, and 
will not conform to the reftraints of authority : 
as foon as they felt themfelves tolerated, protect- 
ed, and delivered from the fear of punifhment, 
their refentments of former ill ufage arofe, they 
loft the reipecl due to the magiftrates, and fome- 
times by public affemblies, and fometimes by in- 
jurious difcourfes, or other violent proceedings, 
they drew upon themfelves the hatred and indig- 
nation of the Gatholicks. Hence arofe obftinate 
diiputes, which throwing the two parties into 
quarrels, ipread tumult and iRiurrections thro 
all the provinces of the kingdom. Thus, con- 
trary to the intentions of government, and the 
expectations of the public, the remedy employed 
to fave the ftate and maintain peace, became, at 
leaft as our Hiftorian reprefents, contagious and 
prejudicial ; and occafioned precifely thofe trou- 

1Mr * /n 


bles and dangers, which they fought fo carefully 
to prevent. 

The Guifes, we may be fare were not at all 
mortified at this turn of affairs. It was precifely 
what they wilted. Encouraged and fortified by 
their union with the Conftable, they feized this 
occafion to oppofe the Queen and the King of , 
Navarre. The Cardinal of Lor rain finding the 
moment favorable to explaim himfelf in council 
without regard to the C)ueen or the King of Na- 
varre, who were prefent, began to fpeak on the 
fcate of religion, and to reprefent, with all the 
vehemence of his character, that it was to betray 
religion, and to dilhonor themfelves in the eyes 
of the whole earth, to grant, in a moft chriftian 
kingdom, liberty of confcience, to innovators al- 
ready condemned by councils and the voice of 
the church. That not fatisfied with dilTeminat- 
ing monftrous opinions, with corrupting the rif- 
kig generation, and impofing on the fimplicity 
of the weak, they blow up the fire of rebellion 
in all the provinces of the kingdom. That al- 
ready the infolence and outrages of thefe Here- 
tics, hindered the minifters of the church from 
celebrating mafs, and from appearing in their 
pulpits, and left to the magistrates- fcarce a fha- 
dow of authority ; that every thing was a prey to 
the fword and flames, by the imprudence and 
obftinacy of thofe who arrogated to themfelves 
the licence of believing and teaching at their 
pleafure ; that the iirft kingdom of Chriftendorn 
was upon the point of making a fchifin, of mak- 
ing off the yoke of obedience due t the holy 
fee, and of abandoning the Catholic faith, to 
fatisfy the caprice of an handful ot feditious men. 
The Cardinal, enforced thefe arguments with fo 



much energy, with that confidence and natural 
eloquence which gave him fuch an afcendancy, 
even in the moft problematical opinions, that the 
protectors of the Hugonots oppofed nothing to 
him but filence. The King of Navarre and the 
Queen replied not a word, and even the Chan- 
cellor appeared amazed and confounded. The 
counfellorsofftate, irritated againft the Hugonots, 
were of opinion to aflemble immediately all the 
Princes and officers of the crown=, to the parlia- 
ment of Paris, there to treat on this fubjecl, in 
the preferice of the King, and determine the 
means of curing thele diforders. This affembly 
was accordingly held on the i3th of July, 1561, 
In parliament. The King of Navarre dared not 
'/. alone to make uppoiition openly ; this would 
have been to declare himfelf a Calvinift. The 
Queen indeed, defired that the Catholic party 
fliould not prevail ; but fhe was not the leis ap- 
prehenfive that they would impute to her thfe 
eftabliftiment and progrefs of Herefy. The con- 
tcfts in parliament were however, animated : the 
partizans of the Hugonots, forgot nothing to 
procure them liberty of confcience, as tfre only 
means proper to appeafe all troubles, and heal all 
divifions. Their efforts were ufelefs. There was 
fome reafon for faying, that liberty of confcience 
was evidently oppofed to the fpirit and authority 
of the Catholic church ; but none at ail for pre- 
tending that it was contrary to the fundamental 
laws of the kingdom. 

,. La. ^ was ^ ec ided that the Calviniflical preachers 
l "itj," anc * m i R ift ers Should be chafed out of the king- 
dom : and that they mould conform in the pub- 
lic worfhip, only to the cuftoms and ceremonies 
authorized by the Roman church. All affem. 


blies, of every kind and in every place, 
arm .7 or without, except in the Catholic 
es, there to hear divine fervice, according to 
their ufages, were forbidden. To grant, how- 
ever, fome mitigation to the Hugonots, they ad- 
ded in the fame Edict, that the cognizance of the 
crime of Herefy, mould be refer ved to Bifhops 
and their grand Vicars ; and if they had recourie 
to the iecular arm, they could not condemn the 
guilty, but to banifhment ; finally, they gave a 
general amnefty for all diforders committed in 
times paft, on account of religion. A declara- 
tion was drawn, figned by the King, the Queen, 
and all the Princes and lords of both parties. 

The Prince of Cojideznd the Admiral, irritated 
to fee fuppreffed a party, upon whofe number and 
forces they had founded all their hopes, and not 
being able to hinder the execution of the Edict, 
which all the parliaments and mod of the inferior 
tribunals preiled into execution with great ar- 
dor, imagined another expedient ; it was to en- 
gage the minifters of 'the Hugonots to demand 
a public conferrence, in prefence of the King, 
with the Catholic Prelates, upon the controvert- 
ed points. This indirect method appeared to 
them proper to obtain inlenlibly, a liberty of 
confcience. The Cardinal de Tourncn^ud fever- 
al other Catholic Prelates, oppofed this requeft ; 
they remonftrated that it was ufelefs to difpute 
about religion, with a people who were very ob- 
ftinate, and who perfifted in a doctrine condemn- 
ed by the church. That if they wiflied to lay 
open their reafons, they might addrefs thejnfelves 
to the council of Trent. The Cardinal of Lorrain 
was of opinion in favor of the conference ; 
whether he flattered himfelf that he fliould con- 


found the Hugonots, by his irrefiftable reafonmg, 
and convince thofe whom he thought feduced, 
or whether, as thofe who envied him gave out, 
by making an oftentatious exhibition of his elo- 
quence and erudition, he wiflied ftill further to 
jncreafe his reputation and glory, in fo celebrated 
an affembly : Whatever were his intentions, it is 
certain that by not oppoiing the demand of the 
Proteftants, he draws into his fentiment the 
prelates, who yielded to the felicitations of the 
King of Navarre. This Prince, who had long 
defired to hear a difpute in form, between the 
Catholics and Hugonots, to clear up his own 
doubts, fupported with warmth the demand of 
the Proteftants. They fent therefore fafe con- 
duels to the minifters refugees at Geneva, and 
affigned for the place of conference Poify, a little 
city, five leagues from Paris. 

The King appeared at Poify, with all his court, 
accompanied by the Cardinals of Bourbon, of Lor- 
rain, of Tournon, of Armagnac^ and of Guife, who 
were to affift at the conference on the part of the 
Catholics. The moft diftinguimed Bifhops and 
Prelates, feveral Doctors of the Sorbonne, and 
other Theologians of the moft celebrated univer- 
iities of the kingdom, were prefent. There ap- 
peared on the iide of the Hugonots, Theodore 
Be-za^ Peter Martyr Wermilly, Francis de Saint Paul, 
"John Raymond^ John Virel, with feveral others, 
who came from Geneva, or Germany. Bc%a ex- 
plained his doctrines, with great pomp of elo- 
quence ; and the Cardinal of Lorrain anfwered 
him, with what he called proofs and authorities, 
drawn from the Scriptures and the fathers of the 
Church. The council judged proper to with- 
draw the young Kiusr, becaufe the tendernefs qf 

tj U . 



his age not permitting him to difcern the truth, 
there was reafon to fear, that he might be iur- 
prized b^i'ome dangerous opinion, contrary to 
the faith. After feveral 'debates, the afiembly 
feparated without deciding any thing. 

The Cotholics gained only one advantage. 
The King of Navarre was not fatislied with the 
Hugonots, having obferved fome variations of 
their minilters in the doctrines which they main- 
tained. Some followed literally the fentiments 
of Calvin ; others inclined to the doctrine of 
Luther ; thefe adhered to the profeflion of faith 
of the Swifs, thole to the confeflion oiAugJbourg. 
Shocked with this inconfiftency, as he thought 
it, this weak Prince began to be difgufled with 
the new opinions, and to attach himfeif to the 
Catholic religion. But the Hugonots drew from 
this conference all the fruit that they had prom- 
ifed themfelves. As foon as they came out of it, 
they boafted highly that they had demonftrated 
the truth of their belief, convinced the Catholic 
doctors, confounded the Cardinal of Lorrain, and 
obtained of the King permifiion to preach their 
doctrine. In fact, of their own private authori- 
ty, they began to aflemble, wherever they pleaf- 
ed, to hold publickly their fermons, with fo great 
an affluence of people, and fo great a concourie 
of nobility, as well as others, that it was no long- 
er pofiible to reftrain them. 

When the magiftrates attempted to hinder 
their aflemblies, or the Catholics attempted to 
chafe them from the churches where they met, 
the Hugonots run to arms, and defended them- 
ielves. The two parties attacked each other 
with fury, under the names of Hugonots and 
Papifts. The whole kingdom was in a flame. 



The- power of- the inagiilrates loft its energy 5 
the people were in continual terror and alarms j 
the collection of the revenues was interrupted, 
and in the bofom or peace, an inteftine and cruel 
v/ar was feen to be inkinclled. Hie Queen-Mo- 
ther and the King or Navarre, moved with thefe 
exceffes, feeing that the, feverity of the Edict of 
July, had only increafed the diforders, convoked 
another affembly of deputies from all the p-rlia- 
ments of the kingdom, to be informed by them, 
oftheftate of each province,. and to deliberate 
upon the moft proper means of re eftablifhing 
tranquility. 1"be views of the miniftry changing 
continually, as the inter ejh cfminijlers and the paj/tons 
of the great varied ; it wa's not aftonifhing^ that 
after fo many meafurcs taken, abandoned, reajfiiined^ 
affairs Jhouldftill remain in greater diforder, and a 
more Jt range confuficn. It was indeed impoffible 
that fuch frequent variations mould reftore good 
order, which an equal and uniform conduct 
could alone maintain. 

This affembly was holden at Paris, in the be- 
ginning of the year 1562. The Queen, accord- 
ing to her ordinary maxims, employed herfelfin 
holding the balance between the two parties, and 
to hinder one from prevailing over the other, 
for fear me mould be the victim of the ftrongeft. 
The greateft part of the magiftrates concurred in 
her view r s ; fome perfuaded that it was impoliible 
to reftrain fo great a multitude, animated by a 
furious zeal for religion, and others feeing vvith 
regret fo much blood fhcd to no good purpofe. 
They prepared that famous Edict of January, 
91 which granted to the Hugonots, the liberty of 
1 u Y confcience, and the liberty of holding their affem- 
~ ^' and preaching their fermons, upon condition 



that they fhouki meet without arms, without 
the. cities, in the fields, and in prefence of the 
judges of the places. The parliaments and 
other tribunals oppofed, at firft, the execution 
of this Edict ; but it was finally regiftered, 
upon repeated letters of jufiion, (fealed com- 
mands to do a thing which they had refufed 
to do) of the King and Council. This was a 
thunder bolt to the chiefs of the Catholic party. 
To bring on a crifis, to force all the Catholics to 
join them, arid to hinder the execution of the 
Edict, the Duke of Guife, the Conftable, all the 
Cardinals, except de Tournon, who was lately 
dead, the Marmals de Erljjac and Saint Andre 
quitted the court, to oppoie themfelvcs with all 
their forces to the Calviniftical party. So near 
was liberty of confcience at that time, to a corn- 
pleat and final eftablifhment in France, that noth- 
ing but this violent meafure could have prevent- 
ed it ; even this retreat of all the Catholics 
would not have fucceeded, without another ar- 
tifice. They fuificiently forefaw, that as long 
as the good intelligence fubiifted between the 
Queen-mother and the King of Navarre, they 
fliould have no power to intermeddle in the 
government of the kingdom, and that all their 
ciforts would be in vain ; they propofed therefore 
to break it. Convinced that the Queen-mother 
would never change her plan or her conduct, at 
leaft until the majority of her fon j they thought 
it would be more eafy to gain upon the under- 
ft'anding of the king of Navarre. Their recefs 
enabled them to conduct with more fecrecy this 
negociation, which required time and addrefs. f 
/>/?, legate of the Pope, and Manriquiz am-& 
bailador of Spain, let into the fecret and entruiled j\i em nq, 
A a with 


with the conduct of it, eafily commenced the 
conferences, by the interpofition of the confidents 
of the King of Navarre. This weak Prince, had, 
or pretended to have, no longer the fame incli- 
nation for the Hugonots, fince the colloquy at 
,. Poifly, where he had remarked their variations 

'/<"/ -upon the contefted points of faith, and not hav- 
ing found in Theodore Beza, nor in Peter Martyr, 
the fame confidence as he thought, as they affect- 
ed when they dogmatized without contradictors, 
he had confulted Doctor Baudonin, equally vcrfed. 
i n fcriptures and in controverfy. This theolo- 
gian had decided the King of Navarre, to re-unite 
himielf to the faith of the church, and to adopt 
neither the profeflion of faith of the Swifs Protef- 
tants, nor the confeflion of Augfbourg. His ac- 
quiefcence in the Edict of January was lefs from 
any inclination to the Hugonots, than from an 
opinion that confciences ought not to be reftrain- 
ed, and that toleration was an infallible means of 
extinguilhing the troubles of the kingdom. As 
ibon as his confidents, already difpofed to ferve 
the Catholic party, had informed the legate and 
ambaffador, that he was in this temper, thefe laft 
failed not to take advantage of it, to open the 
negotiation. In order to unite to motives or" 
confcience, peifonal advantages and temporal in- 
terefts, they propofed to him to divorce his' Queen 
Jane, with a difpenfation from the Pope, becaufe 
ihe was 'an Heretic, and to marry Mary, Queen 
of Scots., the niece of the Guifes, and widow of 
Francis lid, a Princefs who united to the charms 
of youth and beauty, the actual poiTefiion of a 
great kingdom. The King of Navarre, attached 
to his children, rejected firmly this propofition. 
They then brought upon the carpet, once more, 



riic exclrmgc of Sardinia, fo often propofed in 
vain. This was the delicate point, which touch- 
ed him the mod fenfibly. His hopes indeed, 
were not very ftrong ; but this negotiation not 
having been wholly broken oflf, Manriquez, the 
Spaniih ambaflador, by his ordinary artifice, re- 
newed it with fo much apparent ferioufneis, as 
to re-animate the delires and the confidence of 
the King of Navarrq. Not content with giving 
him the ftrongeft afTurances of the good difpo- 
iitions of die Catholic King, he proceeded fo far 
as to treat of the means of exchange, and of the 
quality of the rents and fervices, which the King 
of Navarre Ihould render the crown of Spain, 
as acknowledgments of its fovereignty. They 
debated thefe claufes .and conditions as ferioufly, 
as if they were upon the point of iigning the 
treaty. The character of the King of Navarre, 
and his inclination to embrace always the moft 
honorable an,d plaufible meafures, favored the 
deiigns of the .Catholics. 

This Prince (the King of Navarje,) began 
gravely to acknowledge that the Hugonots dif- 
guiied their paffions and their interefts, under 
the veil of chrifdan charity, and the cloak of re- 
ligion. Moreover, he was made to apprehend 
that the Admiral, with his policy, would per- 
iuade all France to believe that the Kin^; of Na- 


varre followed blindly his councils. They piqued 
his jealoufy, by reprefenting to him that the 
(Calvinifts highly blamed his floth and indolence, 
while all their affections and attachments were to 
.the Prince of Conde., whofe courage, promptitude, 
and magnanimity, they never ceafed to exalt and 
celebrate. A laft consideration of extreme im- 
portance, touched a nerve of exquifite fenfibility : 


The King of France and his brothers were of 
feeble and delicate complexions, ill conftituted, 
fubjec"l to dangerous diitempers, and too young 
to have children. The fucceffion to the crown, 
regarded him as the ' firft Prince of the blood, 
and to declare himfelf the head and protector of 
the Hugonots, was to place between the throne 
and him., an impenetrable barrier. To fmosth 
his way the more eafily to the throne, he inclined 
to re-unite himfelf to the Catholic party, to at- 
tract the favor of the Pope and the King of 
Spain, and to attach to himfelf the forces of the 
faction, which was the belt united, and the moft 
powerful. He began to diftruft the councils of 
the Queen his wife, blindly devoted to Calvinifm, 
and naturally an enemy of pacific meafures. The 
magnificent promifes and perfualive difcourfes of 
the legate, and of Manriquez, joined to fo many 
other motives, determined him finally to unite 
himfelf with the Conftable and the Duke of 
Guife. They declared loudly in words and by 
C writings, that they were leagued only for the 
ft. Defence of the Catholic religion ; but their views 
f werq, in reality, much more vaft. The King of 
Navarre abandoned one party, in which he found 
himfelf eclipfed by his brother, to attach himfelf 
to another, in which they offered him more 
brilliant hopes. And the Guifes entered into this 
convention, only to re-eftabliih their credit and 
ancient grandeur. 

Such was the union, which taught the French 
the art of forming leagues and combinations, 
without the knowledge of their fovereigns. The 
Hugonots reprefented it in the moft odious co- 
lours, and called it the triumvirate. The Queen 
Jane conceived a lively refentrnent of this unex- 


pelted resolution of her hufband. Full of indig- 
nation to fee him become the moft ardent pcrle- 
cutor of her iavorite religion, in which ilie flat- 
tered herfclf flic had confirmed him ; ihe refolv- 
ed to quit the court, and retired into Beam, with 
the Prince Henry, and the Princefs Catharine, H c/v\ru 
her children, wliom me initYucled in the reform- 
ed religion, declining" all further ibciety, and 
commerce with her huiband. The Queen-mother 
was not lefs alarmed with a change to iudden 
and incredible. The trium-vlratc dcftro\cd all the 
prQJcfls of an equilibrium^ which jhc Lad founded, on 
the dijlrujh and ammojiiics ivbich divided the gran- 
dees. She dreaded as much, for the iafety other 
children, as for her o\vn authority. Thefe reci- 
procal variations, thefe combinations of interefis, 
totally oppoiite to each other, announced clearly 
enough to her underftandir.g, that this union 
concealed high hopes, and vaft defigns. She 
knew that the Guifes had unravelled her artifices, 
and that burning with ambition, they fought 
every means of re entering into the mini'tiy. 
Moreover, what probability was there, that the 
King of Navarre would renounce the frienclflnp 
of his brother, and of his moft faithful partizans, 
to unite with his moil cruel enemies, if he had 
not been aflured of great advantages in iuch a 
change. She was not ignorant of the empire 
which is held over human hearts, even the rnoii 
upright, by ambition and the thirft of ruling. 
Finally, conddering every thing which threatened 
her, (he could not diffemble her own weaknefs, 
nor that of her children. Forced by thele re- 
flections to truft no longer, either the iincerity 
of the King of Navarre, nor the deinonilrations 
inade by the Catholics, of having no defign of 



making any innovation in the government ; a 
prey to conftant terrors, alarms and fufpicions, 
nothing was capable of calming her inquietude. 
She palled often whole nights, in conference with 
her confidents, and among others with the Bifhop 
of Valance^ and the Chancellor DC L'Hopital : 
Their counfels, and above all, the critical pofition 
in which ihe ftood, determined her to form a 
coalition with the Prince of Conde and the Admi- 
ral, to favor their defigns, and fupport herfelf 
with their forces, in order to counterbalance, 
as much as poffible, the power of the oppofite 
faction : alledging among other motives, to her 
Catholic confidents, that God himfelf permits 
evil for the fake of good : and fince the Hugonots 
Iiad caufed fo many diforders, it was but juit to 
make ufe of them, to. cure the diftempers which 
had infected the heart of theftate. 

The Hugonots delivered from the fear of pun- 
ifhment, by the publication of the Edict of fan- 
nary, had began to recover courage, and held 
frequently public aflemblies ; their party appear- 
ed confiderable, both by their number and the 
quality of their members : and their forces were 
not inconfiderable. The Prince of Conde had 
openly declared himfelf their head ; he was, ia. 
appearance, reconciled with the GuifcSj in obe- 
dience to the orders of the King : but, in his 
heart he burnt with an impatient defire to re- 
venge himfelf, againit his principal perfecutors, 
for the outrages which he had received. The 
Admiral, who in the view to aggrandize himfelf, 
as well as his brothers, more ftrictly united than 
ever to the party of the Hugonots, moderat- 
ed the ardor and vehemence of the Prince, by the 
maturity of his counfels. Under thefe chiefs, 



and in the fame fentimerits, were engaged the 
Prince of Porcien, the Lords of G<fw//>, of Gram- 
mout, of Duras, the Earls of Rccbcfou can't and of 
Mont 'gomcry , the Barons of Ardrcts, of Boncbavan- 
ties, boubirC) and icvcral other great men of the 
kingdom. With any, the leaft authority of go- 
vernment, they were in a condition to reiift, and 
oppofe boldly the oppoiite party. 

The Queen, forced as me thought to take ad- 
vantage of a conjuncture fo favorable for her 
own defence, and th,at of her children ; and re- 
duced to the neceflity of embracing the firfl par- 
ty which prefented, however dangerous it might 
be, expected from time and events, the unravel- 
ling: ^h 1 their intrigue. She feigned to be ftacr- 

o o o o 

gered by the reaibnings of the Hugonots, and 
difpofed to embrace their opinions. To confirm 
them me was more in this opinion, by exterior 
demonftrations, fae caufed their minifters to 
come into her apartment, and appeared to hear 
them with pleafure. She manifeiled great confi- 
dence and benevolence to the Admiral, and the 
Prince of Conde, in the frequent converfations 
fhe had with them. She deceived the Dutchcfs 
of Mohtpen/ter, by her faife confidences, and made 
ufe of her, to allure the principal Hugonots ; the 
better to color the promifcs and hopes, which me 
gave in fecret, by apparent meafures. She wrote 
even to the Pope in equivocal terms. Some- 
times flic demanded a free and general council, 


fuch as the Calvinifts defired : ibmetimes, per- 
miillon to convoke a national council. Another 
time me folicited the ufe of the communion in 
both kinds, a clifpenfation to prieils to marry ; 
the liberty ot praying in the vulgar language, 
and other fimihr innovations, as the Catholic-* 



cuil-jd u::m, which the Hugonots wifhed, 2nd 
introduced. D<; L///V, the French ambafiador at 
Rome, Iccondcd her fo perfectly, that, by excit- 
ing doubts concerning her faith in the minds of 
the Pope and the Catholics, flue obliged them to 
obfervo great caution in their own conduct, for 
tear they ihould irritate her, and difguft her 
ap-ainft the Roman religion. By the fame artifice 
iae deceived the penetration, and gamed the 
hearts of the Hugonots, by perfuadirg them that 
fhe was wholly difpofed in their favor : to fuch 
a degree., that the implacable hatred which they 
once bore her, had given place to confidence and 
attachment. It was not only the people that 
Hie ainufed by thele appearances : the Admiral 
hirnielf, in fpight of all his appearance, policy and 
penetration, had fufiered himfelf to be feduced. 
He heiitatecl not to give the Queen a circurnftan- 
cial account of the number, forces and deiigns of 
the CalviniftSj of the correfpondences which they 
maintained, both within and without the king- 
dom, and of all other particulars which concern- 
ed his party ; as foon as fhe gave him to under- 
Hand, that ihe defired to have exact information 
before ihe declared herfelf, alluring him that fhe 
would embrace openly that party, as foon as it 
mould be f uffkiently powerful to place her out 
of the reach of the vengeance of the Catholics 
and the triumvirate, compofed of the Duke of 
O//V, the Conftable and the King of Navarre. 
'] bus. by a change equally prompt and incredible, 
the King -of Navarre attached himfeif to the 
Catholic party, and Queen Catharine, at leaft in 
4 j.irance, became favorable to the Hucronots. 

i L ' *~J 

'i'hefc variations were at the time attributed to 
the levity of mind of the King of Navarre, and 



the natural inconftancy of the fex of the Queen : 
and it is thus that fome Hiftorians have fmce 
judged, who were either not capable, or had not 
opportunity, like Davila, to unravel the fecret 
fprings of thefe reiblut.ions. 

Is it pofiible to place an unbalanced govern, 
ment, in a light more defpicabie or more con- 
temptible ! Can human nature be more difgraced, 
than by this endlefs feries of unions, feparations, 
coalitions, combinations and tergiverfations ? And 
yet it is moft obvious, that fuch a feries muft 
forever be the effed of a con&itution, where 
there is no legal equilibrium. 

No. 24* 

AFFAIRS had now taken a new face. It was' 
eafy to forefee, that the animofities^)f the two 
factions would never be extinguimed but by- 
arms and that the tempeft which had long 
grumbled in the air, would foon pour upon theic 
heads. Accident foon produced a favorable con- 
juncture for precipitating France into the greateft 
misfortunes. The King of Navarre, having fa- ,Vct 
dared himfelf openly for the Catholic party, fixed 
his refidence at Paris. This city, fituated in the 
centre of France, is much more populous, more 
rich, more magnificent and more powerful, than 
any other in the kingdom. ThisJPrince, believ- 
ing that the other cities would eafily conform to 
the example of the capital, forgot nothing to 
B b hinder 


hinder the Hugonots from holding their aflem- 
blies, and preaching their fermons there ; in 
which the Parifians in general, enemies of the 
information, feconded him with zeal. By this 
means he hoped in time to diminifh infenfibly 
the credit and the forces of the Proteftants, and 
take away their liberty of confcience, which a- 
lone fupported their exiftence. The Prince of 
Conde refklecl alfo at Paris, where he promoted 
a'nd fomented the defigns of the Hugonot mini- 
fters^ Under the pretext of caufing obferv- 
ed the edict of January, he extended from day 
to day the liberty of confcience ; and, whether 
by power or by right, arrogated to himfelf a 
great authority. in what refpecfced the State. The 
King of Navarre, animated equally againft his 
brother by a love of repofe, and by jealoufy,. re- 
folved to compel him to go out of Paris. Several 
% other motives determined him to put an end to 
troubles and feditions, as well as conventicles, in 
a city which was. the lirmcft fupport of the 
Catholic party ;. but whether he felt himfelf too 
jak to auempt fuch an enterprize alone, or 
whether he wiflied to coniult his confederates 
before he executed any thing, he invited the 
Duke of Guife and the Conftable to come and 
join him e with their partifans. 

The Duke of Guife, ilnce his retirement from 
Court, refiJcd at Joinville, one of his country 
feats, upon the frontiers of Champalne and Pi- 
cardy. Upon the invitation of the King of Na- 
varrc, he departed for Paris, accompanied by the 
Cardinal his brother, a numerous retinue of gen- 
tlemen attached to his intereih, and two compa- 
nies of men in arms. The lirit of March, in the 
fjt morning, as he palled by Vaili, a little city in 



Champaine, his people heard an unufual ringing 
of bells, and having alkcd the reafon of it, were 
told that it was the iignal of a fermon at which 
the Hugonots affembled. The valets and foot- 
men of the Duke, who were moft forward on 
the road, excited by the Angularity of the thing, 
and by curiofity to fee one of thefe affemblies,- 
which were but lately begun to be holden pub- 
licly, advanced in a tumult, uttering their coarfe 
jokes, towards the place where the Kugonots 
were affemMed to hear their minifters. The 
Calviniits underftanding that the Duke of Guile, 
whom they regarded as one of their moft ardent 
perfecutors, was not far off, and feeing a troop 
of his people coming directly to them, whether 
they dreaded fome infult, or whether they were 
piqued at the rude raileries and fcornful fpeeches 
of this fervile mob, they anfvvered by acts of vio- 
lence, pelting with ftones the firft who were adt 
yancing towards their congregation. 

This is the account of Davila and at this day 
it may be of as little confequence to enquire 
which fide began to ufe force, as to afcertain 
which party fired the firft gun at our Lexington. 
When a. nation is prepared for a civil war, when 
parties are formed and paflions enflamed-, which 
can be extinguished no other way, it is only for 
the fake of popularity, neceilary to enquire .which 
{hikes the firft blow. But in our American re- 
volution, we know it was the party who were 
in the habit of domineering \vho began and 
iuch is commonly the cafe/ Moft probably DC 
Thou is in the right, for the fame reafon who 
afferts, that the Duke of Guife's fervants threw 
the firft ftones ; and if this was done without 
the Duke's orders, it is certain that his mother, 

a bigot ted 


a bigotted furious Catholic, had often entreated 
him to deliver her from the neighbourhood of 

Yn f J i *^e Proteftants of Vaili ; and very probably flie 
had enflamed his whole family againft them. 
However this might be, the Catholics abandoned 
all their prudence and attacked the Proteftants, 
fword in hand, and the fkirmifh foon become 
furious. The Duke, informed of the tumult, 
and wifliing to appeafe it, ran in all hafte and 
rumed into the midft of the cambatants while 
he repremanded his own people, and exhorted 
the Hugonots to retire, he was ilightly wounded 
by the ftroke of a ftone upon his left jaw. The 
blood which he loft obliged him to retire from 
the uproar, when his followers, growing outra- 
geous, had recourfe to fire-arms, forced the houfe 
where the Calvinifts had barricadoed themfelves, 

L / 1 j killed more than fixty of them ; and their minif* 
ter, danareroufly wounded, efcaped with great 

Tr^i & i r -11. 

difficulty over the roofs or the neighbouring 
houfes. When the commotion was affuaged, the 
Duke of Guife fent for the Judge of the place, 
and reprimanded him for tolerating fuch con* 
venticles. The Judge excufed himfelf, becaufe 
thefe affemblies were permitted by the edict of 
January. ; The Duke, as much enraged at this 
anfwer as at the diforder which occafioned it^ 
laid his hand on the hilt of his fword, and re- 
plied, with great fury, ; " The edge of ; this iron 
fhall foon deliver us from the edict which they 
c 3*0*, think fo folidly eftabliihed." Thefe words, utter- 
ed in the ardor of his indignation, did not efcape 
the attention 'of thofe who heard them and in 
the fequel he was accufed of being the Boute-feu, 
and the author of the civil wars. 

Huganots, irritated by the maffacre at Vaffi, 

" - could 



could no longer contain themfelves Within the 
bounds of moderation not content with the ex- 
ceffes committed by them in feveral cities of the 
kingdom, and efpecially in Paris, where they had 
maffacred feveral Catholics, and let fire to the 
church of St. Medard ; they liftcned only to their 
own rage, and excited every where troubles and 
bloody feditions ; monafteries were pillaged, im- 
ages broken, altars overturned, and churches 
profaned. Thefe exceffes, on both fides, embit- 
tered mens* minds, and they rulhed everywhere 6g/h'fi f lc> 
to arms, " The chiefs of the two parties, agitated 
by the fame motives, affembled their forces and 
prepared openly for war. But the leaders of 
both factions 'Were not ignorant that, in the ac- 
tual ftate of things, they could not take arms 
without rendering themfelves guilty of rebellion, 
and that there was neither pretext nor colour 
which could authorife any meafures which tend- 
ed to war.' The Catholics 'could not interrupt 
the execution of the edict of January, without 
controverting openly the decisions of the coun- 
cil, and wounding the royal authority from 
which this edict had iffued. The Hugonots had 
no reafonable motive to revolt, while they were 
protected and allowed to enjoy the liberty of 
confcience granted them by that edict. The 
leaders of each party defired to draio the King to 
their fide, and to become majlers of bis perfon, either 
to abolifh the edict, or to derive new advantages 
from it, in order to prove that their caufe was 
the moftjuft and that it was the oppofite party 
which erected the ftandard of revolt, by oppoiing 
the apparent will of the Sovereign, and by at- 
tacking even his perlbn, 



No. 25. 

0) - THE Queen, perfectly informed of all thef? 

u e ( tt ^projects, and wifhing to prefe.rve, with all her 
power, her own liberty and that of her children, 
'* f continued to playoff her artifices, to balance 
the power of the Grandees, and to prevent the 
afcendency of one party over the other, from 
drawing after it, the ruin of .the S,tate. Thus, 
that fhe might not be obliged to favor, one or 
the other party, fhe quitted Paris and retired to 
Fontainbleau. She thought that in this relidence, 
where fhe was more at liberty, than in Paris, they 
could not compel her to declare herfelf, and me 
ftill ftudied to fupport her confidence, which fhe 
had managed with both factions, whofe Chiefs 
ihe amufed by equivocal difcourfes, and ambigu- 
ous P rom if es ' The Prince of Conde, and Coligni, 
yielding to the fuperiority of the Catholic party, 
] ia j quired Paris, to take arms. The Queen 
gave them fecretly to underftand, that fhe was 
difpofed to join them, as foon as fhe mould fee 
them fupported by forces fufficient to make head 
againft their enemies. On the other hand, fhe 
protefted to the King of Navarre, the Conftable 
and the Duke of Guile, that fhe had no intention 
to feparate herfelf from the Catholics, nor to 
confent to the new reform, any further than ne- 
ceflity and the advice of good men mould oblige 
her, to grant to the liugonots, a moderate liberty. 
Her letters w r ere not lefs ambiguous, than her 
words : and fhe did not explain herfelf more 
clearly abroad than at home. She gave contin- 


ually new inftruftions to the ambaffadors in fo- 
reign courts, and especially to Dclile, who rcfidcd 
at Rome. Sometimes fhe contracted and at 
other times (he extended their powers ; and by 
thefe variations held all minds in fufpence. But 
this conduct be^an to be more delicate than ever, 


The Chiefs of the two parties, were not lefs poli- 
ticians than herielf: During the courfe of her 
regency they had found opportunities to unravel 
all her artifices, and penetrate all her difguifes. 
The Kin ST advanced in a ore, and that circumftance 

O O 7 

was to them a neceffity to haften the execution 
of their defigns. His minority might give to 
certain measures a colour, which would no long- 
er exift, when he would be of age ; when all 
ought to depend upon his will, to which they 
could no longer oppoie themfelves, without the 
guilt of rebellion : At the prefent moment they 
could pretend, that their oppolition was only to 
a bad adminiftration, and the pernicious defigns 
of thofe who governed under his authority. 

Already the Duke of Guife, more enterpriiing 
and more alive than the others, directed, at his 
pleafure, the refolutions of his party. He had 
drawn into his fentiments the Conftable and the 
King of Navarre, by perfuading them, that if 
they would all refort to court, they might bring off 
the King and the JQtf&eft-Motfrer to tfos capital, and 
reduce them to the neceflity of taking meafures, 
and ifluing edicts, as the Catholics fhould judge 
convenient to their interefts, without expoiing 
themfelves, any longer, to the danger of being 
anticipated, and without permitting their ene- 
mies to feize on the King and avail themfelves 
of his authority. The Prince of Conde' had 
formed the fame defign : He had. retired at firH 


to Mcaux, and from thence to his eftate, at la 
1'erte where he intended to affemble the main 
body of his forces. This refolution was the effect 
of the advice of the Admiral, fuggefted by the 
Queen, and the projects of the Catholics, which 
had not efcaped his penetration nothing being 
more common in civil wars, than to diicover the 
defigns of the enemy either by the infidelity of 
fome to the fecret, or by the multitude of fpies 
who are employed. The chiefs of the Catholic 
party had occasion only for their ordinary reti- 
nue to execute their defign ; the neighbourhood 
of Paris, which was wholly devoted to them, 
allured them of fufficient forces, and offered them 
favorable opportunities. On the contrary, the 
Pvince of Conde, weaker than his enemies, and 
followed by few troops, was obliged to wait for 
the Lords of his party, and the nobility whom he 
had fummoned from feveral provinces, who af- 
fembled but ilowly. Thus the Catholics were 
before-hand, by appearing all well attended at the 

Their unforefeen arrival difconccrted not the 
t^ueen. Although me depended little on the 
fuccefs of her intrigues, me exerted herfelf to 
perfuade the King of Navarre to depart from 
Co art, with the Princes and Lords who had ac- 
companied him. " No man is ignorant," faid 
ihe to him, " that the Catholic Lords would 
take advantage of my weaknefs, and that of my 
ion, to compel us, to regulate the State, accord- 
ing to their inclinations, by governing at the will 
of their ambition and private interefts. This 
conduce, direclly oppofite to the principles of 
honour an 3 of fidelity, of which they boaft, is 
not Irfs contrary to the tranquility and the con- 



fervation of the State, which they pretend to 
have alone in view. " To ilfue new edicts, and 
revoke thole which have been publifhed, is it not 
to put arms into the hands of the Hugonots ? 
Thefe fechries, already fo audacious and fo ready 
to revolt, will complain aloud of injuftice, if we 
annul, without reafon, an edict prepared and ac- 
cepted with the confent of both parties. During 
the minority of the King, we ought to avoid war, 
and the troubles infeparable from it, to the ut- 
moft of our care and power. To whom will the 
nation impute the difafters which will overwhelm 
it ? Will not an eternal infamy be the portion of 
thofe who have the principal mare in govern- 
ment ? It was to avoid thefe dangers, and to take 
away all pretexts from the incendiaries, that I 
fubfcribed to the edict of January, and quitted 
the capital. The moft effectual means of irritating 
the violence of an evil, which as yet is only creep* 
ing on fecretly, would be to carry us into a fuf- 
pected city, and repeal an edict already publifhed. 
The King of Navarre, and the Catholic Princes, 
ought to remember, that it belongs only to the 
flagitious, whofe fortune is uncertain ordefperatc, 
to excite civil wars. The Prince commands 
without contradiction. The Lords of his party, 
loaded with riches, dignities, employments and 
honors, enjoy the moft flouriihing fortune. Can 
they envy the people an imaginary and momen- 
tary liberty ? Let them iuffer the King to arrive 
at his majority, without feeing his kingdom dif- 
tracted with war. Forced by neceiftty, I have 
only pardoned faults, which I could not punilh 
nor have I granted to the Hugonots other liberty 
than that which they had ufurped. It is only by 
management that we can cure the people of this 
C g phrenzy. 


phrenzy. tet the Catholic Chiefs then 
themfelves with patience, for fear that, by rafk 
remedies, they may envenom an evil which may 
draw after it fatal revolutions,, and the moil 
melancholly events. If however you are refolved 
to make any alteration in the edict, it ought only 
to be done by infenfible degrees t and by the favor 
of fuitable opportunities and conjunctures. To 
employ violent means, would be to furnifh the 
feditious with pretexts, which they feek with f? 
much ardour^' 

No. 26. 

THESE reafons of the Queen, urged and re* 
peated with energy, would have flaggered the 
King of Navarre, and perhaps the Conftable, if 
the Duke of Guife would have liftened to them. 
But he wifhed for war by the favor of which 
he flattered himfelf, he mould recover and even 
increafe his ancient power. Moreover, in quality 
of Chief, and Protector of the Catholic party, he 
wifhed to annul, by aay means whatever, all that 
had been done againft his inclination, to the 
prejudice of the Church and to arrogate to 
himfelf all the glory of fuch a revolution. He 
combatted therefore, with vivacity, all the rea.- 
ibns of the Queen, and remonftrated to his con- 
federates, that they would infallibly lofe all their 
credit and reputation, by fuffering themfelves to 
be fo eafily amufed by a woman, who had no 



ttfher defign than to throw herfelf into the arms 
of the oppolite party as ibon as they, from a blind 
.confidence in her words, -fhould depart from 
-Court. " Nothing" added the Duke, " will be 
more prejudicial to cur caufe, nor more infa- 
mous for us, than to avow that it is neither the 
public good, -nor the maintenance of the Royal 
Authority, but private pailions and perfonal in- 
terefts, which have put us in motion. It will be 
believed, t^at the remorfe of -our confciences, has 
obftructed us, in the purfUit of our enterprife. 
The artificial difcourfes of the Queen, ought not 
to prevail with us, to abandon 2. refoiution, ma- 
turely weighed, and taken by concert, nor to in- 
terrupt the execution of a project, dictated by rea- 
fon, prefcribed by honor, and commanded by that 
attachment, which we have profeffed to religion 
\vhofe prefervation and intereft, have chiefly de- 
termined us to this raeafure. It is no longer the 
feafon to delay, and to wafte time in difputes* 
Already the Prince of Conde is advancing in 
arms the forces of the Hugonots are aflem- 
bled they are ready to feize on the per/on of the 
King, if we do not haften to place him in a~fituation of 
f&fety and face zve cannot terminate tlh affair by 
perfuafion, let us not be intimidated from employing 
force : Let us take away the King^ and leave the 
Queen to take the part which me mail judge 
moft convenient. The refolutions of this Prin- 
cefs are of little moment to us, as foon as we 
lhall be fupported by the prefence of our lawful 
Sovereign, aided by the authority of the firft 
Prince of the blood, to whom, by right of birth 
belongs the government of the kingdom." 

The Prince of Conde, united with the Colignis 
and other Lords of his party, approached the 



Court. The Conftable, and the King of Navarre, 
perfuaded by the Duke of Guife, gave the Queen 
to understand, that it was neceffary to take her 
refolution, without lofs of time ; that for them- 
felves, they had refolved to conduCt to Paris, the 
King and his brothers, for fear they mould fall 
into the hands of the Hugonots, who, according 
to intelligence, were not far diftant. That they 
would not abandon their matter to the mercy of 
hereticks, who intended to take him away, in 
order to make an ill ufe of his name, and under- 
mine the foundations of the monarchy. That 
there was no time to be loft, or trifled away. 
That they Jhould eonduft the King to Paris, as their 
cwn honor, and the good of the ftate required . That 
as to herfelf, they pretended not to conftrain her 
in any thing ; but mould leave her, with all the 
refpect that was due to her, at liberty to difpofe 
of her perfon, as fhe mould think fit. The 
Queen was not aftonifhed at this declaration, 
bold and fudden as it was. She had forefeen it, 
and determined, beforehand, on her plan, in fuch 
a fituation. Forced to declare herfelf, althofhe" 
forefaw that the two parties would foon come to 
blows, me would not abandon the Catholic party. 
She pretended that her honor, and her re.ifon, at- 
tached her to it : She imagined me faw her fafe- 
ty, and that of her children in it. Taking there- 
fore in an inftant her refolution, fhe anfwered, 
with her ufual prefence of mind, that no perfon 
was more attached than herfelf to the Catholic 
religion, nor more zealous for the good of the 
State That fhe w r ould, upon this occafion, give 
way to their fentiments and lince they were 
all for quitting Fontainbleau, fte would concur 
with them. 



With the utracft promptitude fhe gave orders 
for their departure ; but at the fame time fhe 
wrote to the Prince of Conde a letter, in which 
ihe lamented, that fhe could not commit herfelf, 
and the per/on of the King, into the hand* of 
his partizans, according to the promife fhe had 
made him : That the Catholics had prevented 
them, by conducting them by force to Paris : 
That, provided he did not lofe his courage, me 
exhorted him not to fuffer his enemies to take 
pofleffion of the whole authority of government. 
She then commenced her journey, with the King 
and her other children, furrounded by the 
Triumvirate, and the other Catholic Lords, who 
to confole her, treated her with great refpect and 
honor. She arrived that evening at Melun, the 
next day at Vincennes, and in the morning of 
the third day at Paris. Many perfons obferved 
the young King in tears, thinking the Catholic 
Lords had deprived him of his liberty. The 
Queen, irritated by the ill-fuccefs of her artifices, 
and forefeeing the calamities of an inevitable war, 
difcovered, during the whole journey, a mourn- 
ful and mortified air and countenance. The 
Duke of Guife was fo little affected with this, 
that he faid freely and openly, that the public 
good was a public good, whether it was obtained by 
confent or hy force. 

The Prince of Conde was informed, upon his 
march, of the departure of the King, and per- 
ceiving himfeif either prevented by the Catho- 
lics, or deceived by the Queen, made a halt, and 
remained fome time undecided, what courfe he 
mould take. The terrible picture of thofe dangers 
which threatened him, prefented itfelf in lively 
colours before his eyes ; but the Admiral, who 

, f T f 



had remained a little in the rear, arriving, they 
conferred toge^er a few minutes, and the 
Prince, with a profound ugh cried out, " The 
die is caft, we are too far advanced to retreat." 
He took immediately another road, and marched 
with rapidity towards Orkans, of which, he had 
for fcvmetime refolved to take poffeffion. This 
city, one of the principal of the Kingdom, about 
thirty leagues from Paris, is vaft, well built, and 
very populous ; it is tuated in the province of 
Beauce almoft in the middle of France upon the 
banks of the Loire, a large navigable river, which 
after having watered feveral provinces, falls into 
the ocean in Brittany. Orleans, by its navigation, 
and its facility of communication with feveral 
other provinces, appeared to the Prince very 
proper for a place of arms and the center of his 
party, and to be oppofed in fome fort, to Paris. 
For feveral months, that he had meditated to 
make himfelf matter of this city, he had enter* 
tained a fecret intelligence with fome of the in- 
habitants, inclined to the doctrines of Calvin, 
whom he employed to engage a great part of the 
young men, who were reillejfs, {editions and gree- 
dy of novelties. As it is not intended to relate 
in detail, the whole of this hiftory, it is fufficient 
to fay, that he got poffenion of Orleans, that the 
two parties publilhed manifeftos, and that chi- 
canery, negociations, battles, fieges, conflagra- 
tions and affaflinations, fucceeded in all their 
ufual train of horrors in civil wars. 


No. 27. 

\VE mall now contertt ourfelves with reciting 
the fummary of this firft civil war. After the 
publication of declarations and manifeftoes, the 
two armies took the field. The Queen-mother 
wifhes to avoid a war, and procure peace : She 
Jiegociates an interview for this purpofe with the 
Prince of Conde, but without fuccels : She con- 
tinues however to negociate an accommodation, 
and obtains a conclusion of it. The Prince re- 
pents of it, by the perfuafion of his partizans, 
and refumes his arms. He attempts in the 
night to furprize the royal army : His enterprize 
fucceeds not. The King receives powerful rein- 
forcements from Germany and Switzerland. 
The Prince of Conde is obliged to fliut himfelf 
up in Orleans, and feparate his army, which he 
could not hold together in a body. He fends to 
demand fuccours in Germany and England, and 
confents to deliver Havre de Grace to the En- 
glim, and receive their garrifons into Rouen and 
Dieppe. The Queen, irritated and afflicted at 
thefe refolutions, joins the Catholic party, and 
declares the Hugonots, rebels. The royal army 
takes Blois, Tours, Poitiers, and Bourges. The 
1 5th of Sept. 1 562, it lays fiege to Rouen in the 
courfe of which, the King of Navarre, vifiting 
the trenches to reconnoitre the ftate of the 
place, was wounded in the left fhoulder, by a Ihot 
of an Arquebufe, which broke the bone, wound- 
ed the nerves, and felled him to the ground as if 
he was dead. He was carried immediately to his 


/rri*tm a-f 
6 if ant* 


quarters, where all the other generals affembled. 
The furgeons who dreffed his wounds, in the pre- 
fence of the King and Queen, judged it mortal, 
becaufe the ball had penetrated too far, into the 

The 26th of O&ober 1 562, the city was carried 
,,ji \j by afiault, and the whole army entered, making 

' '* lK< *" f -A horrible carnage of the garriibn and inhabitants, 

by putting to the iword, without any quarter, 
a ii who prefented themfelves armed or unarmed : 
The city was delivered up to be plundered, except 
the churches and confecrated things, which the 
foldiers were made to refpeft, by the vigilance 
and good difcipline of the generals. 

The King of Navarre, fufferiug under the pains 
of his wound, and wounded in fpirit almoit as 
much as in body, inlifted on embarking on the 
Seine, to be transported to Saint Maur, a plea- 
fure-houfe near Paris, where he often went to 
take the air, and enjoy the tranquility of foli- 
tude. He fcarce arrived at Andeli, a few leagues 
from Rouen, when his fever was augmented by 
the agitation of the batteau, he loft his fenfes, 

anc l died in a few hours. He united to his high 

.. . r f r c 

birth, an elegant perion, and a iortneis or man- 

ners : If he had lived in other times, and under 
a better conftitution of government, he might 
have been reckoned among the greateft Princes 
of his age ; but the candor and lincerity of his 
heart, the fweetnefs and alTability of his difpoii- 
tion, in the midil of political troubles, and civil 
difientions, fcrvcd only to hold him in continual 
agitation and inquietude. Inconftant in his 
projects, and uncertain in his reiblutions drawn 
away on one iicle by the impetuous character of 
his brother, and excited by the partv of the Cal- 

' f n. 



, , , 


vinifts, in which he long held the firft rank re- 
ftrained on the other hand by motives of honor, 
as he thought, by his natural inclination for 
peace, and averfion for civil wars, he difcovered 
on many occafions but little firmnefs or conftancy 
in his defigns. Placed in the number of thofe, 
who lay under the reputation of feeking to dif- 
turb the ftate, he fhared in their difgrace and 
he was feen afterwards, at the head of the oppo- 
iite party, perfecuting thofe, whoin he had for- 
merly protected. In point of religion, fometimeg 
allured to Calvinifm, by the perfualions of his 
wife, and the difcourfes of Theodore Beza and 
fometimes brought back to the Catholic faith, by 
the torrent of fafhion, and the eloquence of the 
Cardinal of Lorraine, he gained the confidence 
of neither party, and left in his dying moments, 
fufpicious and equivocal ideas of his creed. Ma- 
ny thought, that, though he was in his heart 
attached to Calvinifm, or rather to the confeflion 
of Augfburg, he feparated from the Hugonots 
from fecret views of ambition and fuffering im- 
patiently that the Prince his brother, by his valor 
and greatnefs of foul had acquired among them 
more efteem than himfelf, he chofe rather to 
hold the firft rank among the Catholics than the 
fecond among the Calvinifts. He died at the age 
of forty-two, in a time when his prudence, in- 
creafing with age, he might perhaps have fur- 
pafTed the opinion which had been conceived of 
him. Jane of Albr'et, his widow, continued in 
poflefiion of the title of Queen, and of what re- 
mained of Navarre. She had two children, Hen- Htr> 
ry, Prince of Beam, then nine years of age, and 
-afterwards the all-glorious Henry the Fourth of 
France, and the Princefs Catharine, then very 
D d young. 



young. Their mother lived with them at Pay: 
and at Nerac, fupervifmg their education in the 
new religion. 

The Prince of Conde, reinforced by the auxil- 
iary forces from Germany, makes hafte to attack 
Paris. The King and Queen return thither with 
their armv, and after various newciations the 

4 * 

Prince is conilrained to depart. The two armies 
march towards Normandy a memorable battle 
/h ,fff i is fought at Dreue, where the Prince of Conde 
is made prifoner by the Catholics, and the Con- 
2>reu<^. ftable by the Hugonots. In the firft onfet of this 

a ^i ollj Gabriel of Montmorency, the fon of the 
i > "cojiftabie, had been killed, the Comte of Roche- 
' l fort had been thrown from his horfe, and loft his 
^.^life, and the catholics, in fpite of all their bra- 
rWv**fc,. very? i3 C g an to gi ve W ay. The German cavalry 
a(r*i t t~->i fto armed with piftols, and divided into two large 
*t kiiLJ. t iquadrons, having joined the Admiral in this 
critical moment, made a frefti charge with fuch 
IS *i*nstau* f ul T> t^ 1 tne 7 broke the Catholics, and forced 
^ them to fly. The Conftable who fought in this 
place with great bravery, exerted hirnfelf in vain 
t^rt-; to itop an d rally the fugitives : His horfe fell 

under him, and he was wounded in the left arm, 
furrounded by the Germans, and made prifoner, 
after having feen perifli at his fide, the Duke of 
Nevers, and feveral other officers of diftincdon. 

The Prince of Conde, in charging the cavalry 
V of the Duke of Guile, was afterwards wounded 

j n hi s r jg} lt hand, and covered over with blood, 
an d dufl and fweat, was made prifoner by Dani- 
ville, who, wifliing to avenge the capture of his 
father, fought with defperation. The Duke of 
Guife remained mafter of the field of battle, _ the 
baggage and artillery of his enemy. The Prince 



of Conde was brought into the prefence of his 
conqueror, and it was a memorable fcene to fee 
thofe two famous men, whom paft events, and 
efpecially the lart battle, had rendered implacable 
enemies, reconciled at once by the caprice of 
fortune, fup at the fame table, and for want of 
other lodgings, and better accommodations, pafs 
the night in profound fleep, on the fame bed. 

Thofe who firft fled from this action, carried ^" 6 
to Paris the firft news of the defeat and captivity 
of the Conftable, and threw the Court into deep 
mourning and great inquietudes. They were 
diffipated however, a few hours afterwards, by 
the Captain of the King's guards being difpatch- 
ed by the Duke of Guife. The news^ which he 
fpread, and the affurances which he gave -of the 
victory gained by the Catholics, diminimed the 
grief caufed by the death of fo many brave men, 
whofe lofs had put all France in mourning. Be- 
iides the Lords and Knights, of diftinguimed no- 
bility and reputation, they reckoned eight thou- fQOQ 
fand men among the flain. The Duke of Guife & 
acquired a glory without bounds by this victory, v 
which gave a great check to the Hugonots. The 
King and Queen declared him General of the ar- 
my, and he took the rout to Orleans, that he<?"^ *** /"" 
might not leave his enemy the time to repair 7-^a><>. 
their lofles. 



No. 28, 

THE fiege and defence of Orleans, may be a 
good lecture on the military art, but is not di-- 
rectly to our purpofe, which at prefent is only to 
relate the fortunes and cataftrophes of the great 
actors in thofe fcenes of emulation, which have 
been before defcribed. There was in the party 
fj) MI , f tne Hugonots, a gentleman, named Poltrot, of 
an active mind and a defigning character. He 
had lived fome years in Spain ; and having af- 
terwards embraced Calvinifm, and refided fome 
time at Geneva, he difcovered fo much zeal for 
his new faith, and entered with fo much zeal in- 
to all the intrigues of the party, that the Calvin- 
jfts in general confidered him, as aperfonage cap- 
able of attempting in their favor the moil haz^ 
ardous enterprizes It is not one of the leaft 
evils of a civil war, that no man's character is 
fecure againfl fufpicions and imputations of the 
moft enormous crimes. It is almoft the univer- 
fal practice for each party to charge the leaders 
of the other, with every bafb action, every finif- 
ter event, and every high handed wickednefs, 
without much confideration or enquiry, whether 
there is truth, or evidence, or even color to fup- 
''*ajhd{ics P ort t ^ ie accu &tion. The Catholics pretended 
j. . that the Admiral and Theodore Beza, ensra^ed 
t L ^cfy ^ poltrot to affaffinate the Duke of Gm - fej by pYQ ^ 

*&& of f es of great rewards, and by perfuading him that 
j he could do nothing more acceptable to God, 
tnan to deliver his people from their moft cruel 
perfecutors. Poltrot yielding to their inftiga- 

tions s 


tions, pretended to have abandoned the Calvinift 
party, and threw himfelf into the royal army, 
where having infmuated himfelf into the houfe 
of the Duke of Guifc, he watched for a favorable 
moment to execute his defign. The 24th of /^ 
February, 1513. the Duke after having given his 
orders for an affault which he intended to make 
the next day, at the bridge of Orleans, returned 
at night to his quarters about a league didant 
from the trenches ; Poltrot, mounted on a Span- 
iih horfe, very fleet, waited for him, on his paf- 
fage, and feeing him accompanied, only by a gen- f ^ . 

tleman of the Queen, with whom he was cloiely ~^ /u U 
engaged in converfation, he mot him in the back, 
with, an arquebufe, loaded with three balls. The 
Duke was without arms, the three balls ftruck 
iiim under the right moulder and pierced him 
through the body ; he fell from his horfe for 
dead. His gentlemen, who marched before, that 
they might not interrupt his converfation, re- 
turned, at this accident, and carried him to his 
lodgings, where as ; foon as they had examined 
his wound, his life was defpaired of. The King, 
the Queen Mother and all the Lords in the army, 
at the news of fo fatal a difafter, haftened to the 
Duke's lodgings ; but all their cares and reme- 
dies were ulelefs ; he died in three days, with 
great fentiments, fays Davila, of piety and reli- 
gion, difcovering in his difcourfes a greatnefs of 
foul and a moderation, moft admirable. This 
Prince, united with the higheft valor and fmgu- 
lar abilities, a confummate prudence. As pro- 
found in council, as active in execution, he al- 
ways faw his defigns crowned with the happieft 
fuceefs. Thefe qualities had procured him the 
reputation of the firft Captain of his age, and his 



exploits merited the title of the defender and 
protector of the Catholic religion. He left a 
name glorious and celebrared to pofterity, ' tar- 
nijhed however to endlefs ages ivith the juft imputation 
cf intolerance. 

Pokrot had efcapedinto a neighboring foreft ; 
but tortured by the remorfe of his confcience, 
and by the terror of being purfued on all fides, 
he wandered all night in the woods, without be- 
ing able to find the road to Orleans. The next 
morning, exhaufted by fatigue, he was arrefted 
by ibme Swifs guards and led to the Queen and 
the principal ofiicers of the army. He alternately 
accufed and acquitted, both on the rack and at 
his execution, the Admiral and Theodore Beza, 
who publifhed declarations throughout all Eu- 
rope, denying in the moft folemn manner, their 
knowledge of the defign of Poltrot. The court 
haftened the exccutio'n of this monfter, before 
an opportunity had been given to confront and 
~ .. , examine him, as the Admiral requefted. by quar- 
ktr*.<L terin S him between four horfes. The confe- 
quence was that the fufpicion was fattened, on 
thefe two auftere and excellent characters, in the 
ininds of the Catholic party, though they have 
been uniformly acquitted by the whoie impartial 
world. In confequence of the prejudices of the 
Catholics, the children of the Duke of Guife pre- 
ferved a cruel refentment, and took a horrible 

The death of the Duke of Guife was followed 
by a general peace and the Royal Army retakes 
Havre de Grace from the Englifli. The King ar- 
rives at his fourteenth year, and is declared of 

. The Queen's inventive genius imagines va- 
ns means of appeafing the difcontented Prin^ 


rious f 



-ces ^ and to accomplish her cleiigns, travels with 
the King through all the provinces of the king- 
dom. In Dauphiny they contrived an interview 
with the Duke of Savoy ; at Avignon, with the 
Miniilers of the Pope ; and on the frontiers of 
Guienne with the King and Queen of Spain. 
To theie Princes tliey might communicate their 
il:avt deligns, without apprehenfion of their 
coming to the knowledge of the Hugonots, 
which would have been almoft inevitable, if they 
had employed Ambaffadors. The Queen, with 
her ufual diffimulatioh, endeavored to prevent 
the public from fufpecting her genuine defign, 
and iecret views. She pretended that it was a 
fimple deilre in the King to fee his kingdom, 
and mow himfelf to his people. The Queen pre- 
tended to confent to it only todifplay before the 
eyes of the people the magnificence of her court, 
and to fee her daughter the Queen of Spain. Un- 
der the veil of thefe appearances, fo different 
from the truth, nothing was feen but magnifi- 
cent preparations and fumptuous liveries noth- 
ing was talked of but huntings, balls, comedies 
and f calls. The interviews and intrigues in the 
vourfo of their journey with the Dukes of Lor- 
rain, of Wirtemberg, and other Chiefs of the 
Froteftants or Caihoiics in Germany ; the Count; 
Palatine, the Duke of DeuxPonts, the Duke of 
Saxony, and Marquis of Baden, the Duke of Sa- 
voy, and the Miniilers of the Pope, we pafs over. 
In 15^5, at Bayonnc, they met the Queen o 
Spain, accompanied with the Duke of Alva 
the Count de Benevent : While they pretended o<* 
to be there wholly employed in fcafts and pica- ^/' ^/ 
j'urcs, they held fecret councils in concert, to ^ J 
aboliih the' diverfity cf religion. The Duke of 


Alva, a man of a violent character, whofe very 
name, as well as that of the Cardinal de Lorrain, 
Is aflbciated in every mind with bloody bigotry 
and anti-chriftian intolerance, faid boldly, that 
to cut the root of all novelties in matters of re- 
ligion, it was necv.iary to " cut off the heads of 
the poppies" ' 1 o angle for the large iifli not 
amufe themfelves with the frogs" " When the 
winds lhall ceafe to blow, the waves of the popu- 
lace will foon be calmed. 5 * Thefe are the mifer- 
able maxims of tyranny, whether it be cxercifed 
by a lingle man or a multitude., " There is no 
difference," according to Ariftotle, and hiftory 
and experience, " between a people governing by 
a majority in a fmgle afTembly, and a Monarch 
in a tyranny ; for their manners are the fame, 
and they both hold a defpotic power over better 
perfons than themfelves. Their decrees are like 
the other's edicts their demagogues like the 
other'sflatterers." Arijlotle* s Politics Lib. 4.011.4. 
Old Tarquin would not utter thefe maxims in 
words to the mefTenger of his fon from Gabii, 
but walked out into his garden andftruckoffthe 
heads of the tailed poppies with his ftaff. With 
no better authority than thefe trite aphorifms of 
defpotifm, did the Duke of Alvafupport his dog- 
matifm, that a Sovereign could do nothing more 
fliameful or contrary to his interefts, than to grant 
to his iubjects liberty of confcience, and his ad- 
vice to employ fire and fword, to exterminate 
the Chiefs of the Hugonots. 



No. 29. 

THE Queen-Mother had either more hypocri- 
iy, or more foftnefs of temper, or more cunning. 
She was for effaying all means of alluring the 
Chiefs of the Hugonots to the bofom of the 
Church, and their obedience to the King. 

The differences of circumftances, of manners, 
of interefts and characters, as ufual, divided their 
fentiments, and, cauling them to look at things 
on different fides, dictated oppofite refolutions. 
The two Kings however take meafures in concert 
to fupprefs rebellions. The Queen of Navarre 
comes to court. The King engages the family 
of the Chatillions to a reconciliation with that of 
the Guifes. Their reciprocal hatreds foon rekin- 
dle and break out afrefh. The Queen of Navarre 
in difcontent quits the court. y A * 

The advice of the Duke of Alva was conform- Jw* f of-* 
able to the temper and character of this King. 
He faid he highly relifhed the fentiment of the 
Duke of Alva ; that the heads of thofe rebels 
were too high in the State. The four families 
of Bourbon, Montmorency, Guife and Chatillion, 
all ftimulated by other fubordinate families de- 
pendent on them, continue their emulations, 
fallacies, hatreds, envies, oppofitions, intrigues, 
manoeuvres, combinations, decompofitions, ter- 
giverfations : Another civil war breaks out, the 
hiftory of which with its caufes and events, we 
fhali leave the reader to read in detail. In i c6/, /S'C). 


at the battle of Saint Dennis, the Conftable de J 
Montmorency, in fpight of five wounds he had 
E e received 


received in the head and face, fought with ex* 
treme valor, endeavors to rally his troops, and 
lead them on to battle, when Robert Stuart, a 
Scot, came up to him and prefenting to him a 
piflol, the Conftabie faid to him, " you are ig- 
norant then that I am the Conftable." " It is 
becaufe I know you, faid Stuart, that I prefent 
you this," and at the fame time mot him in the 
moulder with his own piflol ; although the vio- 
lence of the blow ftruck down the Conftabie, he 
had ftill ilrength enough left to flrike Stuart in 
the face with the hilt of his fword, which re- 
mained in his hand, though the blade was bro- 
ken, withfuch force as broke his jaw r , beat out 
three of his teeth and brought him down by his 
fide half dead. The Hugonots were defeated 
however, but the next day ttie ' onftable died 
the age of forefccre, alter having fhewn in 
t j ie action as much enterprize, bravery and vigor 

~ as jf he had been in the full ftrength of his youth. 

\ He preferved to his laft moment, an admirable 
firmnefs and prefence of mind ; a prieft ap- 
proached his bed, to prepare him for death ; the 
Conilable turned to him with a ferene counte- 
nance, and prayed to be left in repofe adding, 
it would be lhameful for him to have lived eighty 
years, without learning to die for half an hour. 
His wifdom, his rare prudence, and long experi- 
ence in affairs procured for him . and his family 
immenfe riches, and the firfl employments under 
the crown : But he was always fo unfortunate in 
the command of armies, that in all the enterpri- 
zes where he had the command in chief., he was 
either beaten, or wounded, or made prifoner. 

The Calviniftic army retired into Champaine, 
and afterwards into Lorrain to meet the 7 troops 



they expected from Germany. The. Queen, whom 
the death of the Conftable had now delivered 
from the power and ambition of the Grandees, 
and who remained the fmgle arbiter of the Cath- 
olic party, would no longer expofe herfelf to the 
dangers of an unlimited power by advifing the 
King to name another Conftable or General of 
the army. She judged more proper to rcferve 
to the difpofition of the King and in her own 
power, the whole authority of the command. 
She therefore, periuaded Charles, by many rea- 
fons, to phce at the head of his army, the Duke^J"*' 
of Anjou, his brother, a young Prince of great 
hopes, but who was not yet fixteen years of age. 
The army is reinforced by fuccours fent from 
Flanders by the Kii-g of Spain, and from Pied- 
mont, and many other places. The Duke of 
Anjou follows the Hugonots, to give them bat- 
tle before their junction with the Germans. He 
overtakes them near Chalons : But the mifun- 
derftandings and other obflacles excited in his 
council, hinder him from hazarding a battle. 
The Calvinifts pafs the Meufe and form, a junc- 
tion with the auxili ;iy troops commanded by the 
Prince Caffimir. They return into Champaine. 
The Queen goes to the army to extinguifh the 
divifions that reign there. They take the reib- 
lution not to attack the Kugonots, now become 
too formidable : but to draw out the war, into 
length ; marches off the two armies, fatisfied 
with obferving each other's motions. This Fabian 
fyftem of the Catholics difcon certs the Prince of 
Conde and the Admiral, unprovided with money 
to fupport, for any length of time, their army. 
In order to draw the royal army to battle they 
form the fiege of Chartres, The danger of that 



city gives occalion to new propofitions of peace j 
Indeed a peace is concluded and the two armies 
are feparated ; but the iJugonots did not furren- 
der all the places they were mailers of, nor did 
the King difcharge his Swifs or Italian troops 
which occalion new quarrels. 

The court, feeing that the Hugonots did not 
execute the conditions under which they had 
been promifed an oblivion of the paft, attempts 
to take off the Prince of Conde and the Admiral, 
who hid retired well accompanied, to Noyers in 
Burgundy. Ihey are advertiied of their danger 
and efcape to Rochell, reaffemble their forces, 
and make themfelves matters of ^aintonge, Poi- 
tou and Tourdine. The King orders the Duke 
ofAnjouto march againft them. r l he two ar- 
mies meet at Janfeneuil, without engaging : they 
meet again at Loudun ; the rigor .of the feafon, 
prevents a battle. '1 he exceffive cold obliges 
them to march at a diftance from each other. 
Diftempers break out in both armies and carry 
off vaft numbers. They open the next campaign, 
in the month of March. The Hugonots pafs the 
Charente, break down the bridges, and guard all 
.the pafiages The Duke of, Anjou, by the means 
of a ftratagenij paiTes the river. The battle of 
// /If h J arnacen f ues - On the lixteenth of March, 1569, 
' this famous action, fo fatal to the Proteftant 
. caufe and to liberty of confcience in France, as to, 
(kattu ffj- jL ave annihilated, or at leaft to have oppreffed 
/ asffl^c both for two hundred and fifty years, took place. 
i** ^ ie y un g Duke of Guife diftinguifhed himfelf 
on that day, by attacking the left wing of the 
Calvanifts, commanded by the Admiral and Dan- 
dilotat the head of the nobility of Britanny and 

Normandy, and gave proofs of a courage, and 



talents capable of performing as much good, or 
committing as much evil as his father had done. 

The Prince of Conde, who commanded the 
main body, oppofed to the Duke of Anjou, fup- 
ported with intrepidity the mock of the enemy, 
and when abandoned by his right and left, char- 
ged on all fides by f he conquerors and furround- 
ed by a whole world of enemies, he and thofe 
\vho accompanied him, fought with defperation* 
In arranging his fquadrons, he had been wound- 
ed in the leg by a kick of the Duke de la Roche- 
foucault's horfe, and in the combat his own was 
killed and overthrown upon him. This Prince, 
thus dangeroufly wounded, put one knee to the 
ground and continued to fight, until Montefquiou,.^<W<r ' 
Captain of the guards of the Duke of Anjou, mot Jh**t 
him through the head with a piftol. Robert Stu- 
art, who had killed the Conilable at the battle of 
St. Dennis, and almoft all the gentlemen of Poitou 
and S'lintonge, were cut in pieces, by the fide of 
the Prince. 

The Duke of Anjou, fought in the firft ranks 
of his fquadron with a valor above his years, had 
an horfe killed under him, and ran great rifques 
of his life. The Hugonots loft near feven hun- 
dred noblemen or knights of diftinction The 
foldiers, in derifion, with feoffs and infults, bro't 
the body ot the Prince of Conde upon an afs or 
pack-horfe to the Duke, of Anjou at Jarnac. 

L'an mil cinq cens foixante & neuf 
Entre Jarnac & Chateau ueuf 
Fut.portc mort fur une aneiTe, 
Le grand ennemi de la Meile. 

Young Henry, Prince of Navarre, begged the 
body of the Duke of Anjou, who fent it to Ven- 



dome to the tombs of his anceftors. Thus !ive4 
and died Louis ot Bourbon, Prince of Conde y 
v whofe valor, conftancy and greatnefs of foul, difr 

tinguifhed him above all the greateft Princes and 
IT; oft famous Captains of his age. I mall reverfe 
the reproaches of Davila, and fay that he deferves 
to be cannonized as one of the proto martyrs to 
liberty of confcience, inftead of that croud of 

* * 

bloody tyrants with which the calender has been 

The affairs of the Hugonots were in a critical 
fituation. It was not doubted but that, after the 
death of the Prince, the Admiral would be chof- 
en f or their Chief, both becaufe of the difdn- 
guifhed employments which he had held in the 
party, and the reputation which his prudence 
had acquired. After the battle of Dreux, when 
the Prince was made prifoner, the whole party, 
with unanimous confent, had deferred to Coligni 
the honour of the command. But at prefent 
there were feveral gent'emen, who, by their 
birth, their riches, or their other mnlities, tho't 
themfe'ves not his inferiors. Some of thefe tore 
his reputation with flinders ; fonie detcfted the 
aufterity of his character, manners and habits. 
Unhappy Admiral ! thy fortune however is not 
Singular. Merit, talents, virtues, fervices, of the 
moft exalted kinds, have in all ages been forced 
to give way, not to family pride, for this alone 
would be impotent and ridiculous, but to the 
popular prejudice, the vulgar idolatry, or the 
fplendor of wealth and birth, with which family 
pride is always fortified, Supported and defended. 
The Admiral had loft, by malignant fevers, his 
brother Dandeiot and his friend Eoucard : de- 
prived of thefe two, the party which interefted 



kfelf in the grandeur and elevation of the Admi- 
ral, was coniiderably weakened. But Coligni 
furmounted all obftacles by hi ; audrefs he 
by renouncing in appearance thole chimerical 
titles with which a vain ambition would have 
been fatisfied, propoiing however, in racl, to prc- 
ferve all the authority of the command. He re- 
foived to dechre Chiefs of the party and Gener- 
als of the army, Henry Prince of Navarre, and 
Henry Prince of Conde, ton of the deceased 
Prince. During the childhood of thefe, the Ad- 
miral remained neceffarily charged with the con- 
duel: and adminiftration of all affairs of import- 
ance. It was, among Proteftants, as well as Ca- 
tholics, in the caufe of liberty as well as that of 
tyranny, the only means of repreiling the ambi- 
tion and pretenlions, the envy, jealouily, malig- 
nity and perfidy of the grandees ; the only means 
of anfwering the expectations of the people, and 
of uniting minds which the diverfity of fcntiment 
had already very much divided. 

In this refolution, without demanding what he 
felt, he could not obtain The Admiral intreat- 
ed the Queen of Navarre to come to the army, 
reprefenting to her ihat the moment was arrived 
for elevating the Prince her fon to that degree 
of grandeur for which he was born, and to which 
me had long afpired. The Queen was not want- 
ing in courage or fortitude : already refolved at 
all hazards to declare her foil the head of the 
party, me came with all the diligence which a 
flroke of ib much importance required, and ap- 
peared with the two Princes at the camp at Cog- 
nac. Difcord reigned in the army, notwithftand- 
ing the neceffity of union and unanimity, to fuch 
a degree that it was on the point of dHBariding. 



cL The Queen of Navarre, after having approved 
f\r ... the views of the Admiral, aflembled the troops; 

f27rc - {he fpoke to them with a firmnefs above her fex, 
and exhorted all thofe brave warriors to continue 
conftant and united, for the defence of their lib- 
erty and their religion. She propofed to them 
for Chiefs the two young Princes, who were pre- 
fent, and whofe noble air interefted the fpecta- 
tors ; adding, that, under the aufpices of thefe 
two young {hoots from the royal blood, they 
ought to hope for the moft happy fuccefs to the 
juft pretenfions of the common caufe. This dif- 
courfe animated the courage of the army, whd 
appeared to forget in an inftant the chagrin 
caufed by the lofs of the battle, and by the dif- 
fentions which had followed it. The Admiral 
and the Earl of Rochefoucault were the firft to 
fubmit, and to take an oath of fidelity to the 
Princes of Bourbon ; the nobility and all the offi- 
cers did the fame, and the foldiers, with great 
acclamations, applauded the choice which their 
Generals had made of the Princes for Chiefs and 
protestors of the reformed religion. This in human 
imaginations is confidered, and in human lan- 
guage is called, DIGNITY ! The greateft Statef- 
man, and the greateft General of his age, muil 
reii^n the command of his own army, even in the 
caufe of religion, virtue and liberty, to two 
beardlefs boys, becaufe they had more wealth, 
and better blood. 

fj Henry of Bourbon, Prince of Navarre, aged 

no; A/."?, j^ h ac i however a lively fpirit, a great and gen- 
erous foul, and difcovered a decided inclination 
for war : animated by the councils of his moth- 
er, he accepted without hefitation the command 
of the army, and promifed the Hugonots, in a 



nciic military eloquence, to protect their reli- 
gion, and to perfevere in the common caufe, un- 
til death or victory mould procure them liberty. 
The Prince of Conde, whofe tender age permitted 
not to exprcfs his ientiments, marked his confent 
only by his geftures. Thus the Prince of Na- 
varre, who pined to the fuperiority of age the 
prerogative of (irft Prince of the blood, became 
really the head of the party. In memory of this 
event, the Queen Jane caufed medals of gold to 
be (truck, which reprefented on one fide her own 
buft, on the other that of her ion, with this in- 
HOXES'TA.~j4jafeptace, complect victory, or honor- 
bis death. 

Colicmi remains charged with the conduct of 

o o 

the war, by reafon of the youth of the Princes 
he divides his troops, and throws them into the 
cities which adhered to him. The Duke of An- 
jou purfues his victory, and forms the fie^e of 
Cognac, which he is obliged however to raitc., by 
the vigorous refinance of the beaeged : he takes other cities. A new army of Germans, 
commanded by the Duke of Deux Fonts, enters 
France to afiift the Hu^ronots. Wolfariff of Ba- 

^j Cj 

varia, Duke of Deux Ponts, excited by the money 
and thepromifes of the Hugonots, with the aid 
of the Duke of Saxony and the Count Palatine of 
the Rhine, at the felicitation of the Queen of 
England, had raifed an army of 6000 ii :-"r. rry, 
and 8000 horfc. In the fame army was WiHJa'AiVi/6'aiTi &L 
of NaiTau, Prince of Orange, and Louis -\\\6.Jfajsau fa" 
Henry his brothers, who, after having quitted^ 
Flanders, to avoid the cruelty of the Duke 
Alva, iupported the intereits of the Caivinifts 
;icc : . whole religion they profeffed. This ar- 
T- JF m^ r 


my marches towards the Loire, takes La Charit:cV 
and paifes the river. The Duke of Deux Fonts 
dies of a fever, and is fucceeded in command by 
Count Mansfield. The Princes, and their Mentor 
the Admiral, march to meet this fuccour. The 
Duke of Anjou., for fear of being furrounded by 
thei'f" two armies retires into Limousin. The Hu- 
gonots, combined with their allies, follow the 
royal army. A fpirited action at K oche-Abeille. 
The fterility of the country forces the Hugonots 
to retire. The Queen-Mother comes to the camp. 
The ref :lution is taken to feparate the royal ar- 
my, to leave the forces of the Hugonots to con- 
fume by time : it is feparated, in fact, and the 
Dake of Anjou retires to Roches in Touraine. 

No. 30. 

THE Hugonots lay fiege to Poitiers. The Duke 
of Guile refoives to throw himielf into it to fuc- 
cour thegarrifon. This young Prince, the ob- 
ject of the hopes of the Catholics, propofed to 
himfelf to become one day their chief, by imitat- 
ing thus, at the beginning of his career, by an 
illuftrious and memorable example, the glory of 
his father ; who, by the defence of Metz againft 
the forces of the Emperor Charles the Vth. had 
prepared his way to the higheft power and moil 
brilliant reputation. 

The Duke of Anjou propofes to raife the fiegc 
by a diverfion he affembles his army, and leads 
it to Chatelleraud. 1 he Admiral raifes the fiege 



of Poitiers, and obliges the Duke of Anjou to 
raife that of < hatelieraud. The Duke of Guife, 
however, by his activity in defence of Poitiers, 
and his frequent ial-ies, came out of it covered 
with glory and appUufe ; the whole aiholic 
party begin to coniider him as the fupport of 
religion, and the worthy iucceilbr of the power 
of his taiher. S iai'ac in vain lays liege to la 
Charite. The Earl of Montgomery ekreais the 
Roy.viits in iijiiM, fur rounds Teriide, and ta'wes 
him p/iumer. The Duke or Anjou comes to 
Tours, to confui. 1 -. wit.i the King his brother, and 
the Queen- Mother : The Duke of Guife came 
there aifoi, mining with honor and ojlory for the 
great act ons by which he had fignaiized himfelf 
at the defence of Poitiers. They all deliberated 

on the means of puihing the war, and the Duke 
of Guife, coming in the place of his father, was 
then admitted for the fir r time into the fe.rct 
council : he owed this f.ivor to the fplendor of 
his birth, to the Cervices of his father, to his own 
valor, to the protection of the Cardinal of Lor- 
rain his uncle, but above all to the implacable 
hatred which the King had conceived againit the 
Admiral. After the death of the Prince of t'on- 
de, at the battle of Baffic, Charles had entertained 
hopes that the Calviniftica! party, no longer iup- 
ported by the authority of a Prince of the blood, 
nor of a General capable by his reputation and 
his va:or of fupporling the weight of fo great an 
cntcrprizc, would feparate and diiperfe, or at 
leaft incline to fubmit. But he fa\v, on the con- 
trary, that the policy of the Admiral had reani- 
mated the forces of his party ; that his valor and 
his ability, by availing himfelf of the name of 
the two young Princes of the blood royal, had 

pr 'iei ve4 


preferved union among the Calviniils, cauied 
greater commotions, and expofed the State to 
dangers more terrible than any which had been 
before experienced. He therefore caufed the 
Admiral Coligm to be declared a rebel, by an 
arret of the Parliament of Paris, which was pub- 
liihed and tranflated into feveral languages. They 
dragged him in effigy upon an hurdle, and at- 
tached him to a gibbet in the place deftined to 
the execution of malefactors : they ordained that 
his houies iliould be razed to the foundations, 
and his goods fold at auction. From this time 
the King refolved to purfue the Admiral to 
death, began to elevate and favor the houfe of 
Lorraine, and above all the Duke of Guife, who, 

burnino* with ardor to avenge the death of his 

. . i 

father, did not diffimulate the implacable hatred 

lie bore to Colijmi. The Admiral continues the 

* O 

war with vigor. The Duke of Airjou, whofe 
army, had been reinforced, feeks a battle : the 
Admiral endeavors to avoid it. At length he 
prepares for it, forced by a mutiny of his own 
army who demand it : he endeavors nevcrthe- 
Icfs to retire: the Duke of Anjou purfues him, 
;;nd joins him near Moncontour : the two armies 
come to action on the plains of Moncontour, and 
a bloody battle enfues ; victory remains to the 
Duke of Anjou, with a great carnage of the Hu- 
gonors. The party is difcouraged ; but the Ad- 
iniral, although dangeroufly \vounded, miles 
their ipirits, and perfuades them to continue the 
war. The Princes and the Admiral abandon the 
whole country, except Rochelle, Angoulcme, aiu! 
Saint Jean d'Angeli. 

Their deiign was to join the Earl of Montgom- 
:n-.i refourcc which fortune fcemed to have 



refer ved to re-eftablifli their forces and repair 
their loiTes. After that junction, they intended 
to remain in the mountains until the Princes of 
Germany and the Queen of England mould fend 
them fuccors. They founded, moreover, fome 
hopes on the Marihal of Damville, Governor of 
Languedoc, who for fome time appeared inclin- 
ed in their iavor, and with whom they maintain 
a fecret intelligence, While the Conftable lived, 
DamviMe had held a diitinguimcd rank in the 
Catholic party, and had fhewn himfelf a declar- 
ed enemy of the Huajonots His jealoufy againft 
Francis of Montmorenci, his elder brother, who 
was connected in friendfliip with the Prince of 
Conde and the Colignis, his relations, had in- 
fpired him with this hatred of the Calvinifts ; 
which had been fomented by the eiteem which 
the Guiles profeffed for him, and the favors they 
procured him- Able and profound in diflimula- 
tion, according to conjunctures, they had em- 
ployed all poilible artifices to retain him in their 
party, and by his intervention to attach to them 
indilfolubly, the Conftable, who difcovered much 
predilection and partiality for Damville, whom 
he believed fuperior in courage and abilities to 
his other children. The Queen-Mother made 
him the fame demonltrations.. Obliged, during 
the minority of the King, to manage the gran- 
dees, me employed the Marfhal Damviile to pre- 
ferve her the attachment of the Conftable ; but 
after his death, ail thefe motives and confidera- 
tions ceafed. The Queen, who had no longer 
occafion for Damville, gave herfelf little trouble 
vo reward his fervices. The Guifes, far from 
ih owing him the fame regard, employed the 
sn.. .uent and perfuafions of the Cardinal of 



Lorraine, who was now very highly in favor 
with Charles IXth to deprefs and diiTerve the 
Ma- hal, a:> a iprout of an houfe which had been 
10;ig the object of hatred and jealoufy to that of 
Lorraine. >amvllie foon- perceived this change : 
the death of hi, father put an end to his ditteren- 
ces with his eider brother, who was not lefs ex- 
afperated thanhimielf at the refufal of the office 
of Conftable, poilei&d. fo long y their father, and 
which they had fcmcited more than once. He 
began to make advances to the friends and rela- 
tions of his family, and fought to renew an in- 
tercourfe with the Admiral, to whom he inti- 
mated fecret, though uncertain hopes. This 
motive had hindered him from fuccouring Fer- 
tile in Beam, and from taking from the iugo- 
nots the places which they held in Gafcony and 
Languedcc. lie was the more inclined in favor 
of the Ca viniib, as he law the Admiral already 
advanced in 'years, and every day expofed to 
evident clangers. If this nobleman fhould die 
before the Princes were of an age to command, 
Damville hoped to fucceed him in the command 
of the Calvinitlic party : finally ,he dreaded, that 
if the King and the Guifes ihou'd overbear the 
IVincci, the Admiral and all the Hugonots, they 
would then turn their efforts againit the family 
of Montmorenci, which would remain alone of 
:ill the ancient rivals, who had infpired him with 
iealoufy. Tfcefe difpoiitions did not efcape the 
"penetration of the Admiral. Excited by fuch 
hopes, he perfuaded the Princes to abandon the 
ilat country, and retire with a fm,ill number of 
troops into the mountains of Gafcony and Lan- 
d '- v ^ oc - Tne Buke of Anjou beficges and takes 
hit Jean d'Angeli, and lofes much time arid 
. many 


ibldiers : he falls fick and retires firft to 
Ange-s, and then to Saint Germain. The Prin- 
ces join the Earl of Montgommeri and reinforce 
their troops in Gafcony. They pafs the winter 
in the mountains, and defcesd into the plains in 
the fpring : they pafs the Rhone, and extend, 
themfeives into Provence and Dauphiny. They 
march towards Noyers and la Charite, with the 
deiign to approach Paris. '1 he King fends againft 
them an array under the command of the iViar- 
flial de v. one. a general of little activity, a 
who deiired not the ruin of the Hugonots. From, 
a fear of confiding his armies to noblemen, whom 
their elevation, their power and their animoiities, 
or the great numbor of their partizans, had ren- 
dered fulpected by him, the King committed the 
conduct: ot it to a General, who, periifting in his 
ordinary inclination, gave the Hugonots a favor- 
able opportunity to revive. 'Ihis refolution was 
alib attributed to the policy of the Duke of An- 
jou, who dreaded that lome other General might 
take away the fruit of his labors and victories. 
It is pretended that fuch motive*- engaged him to 
infpire the King w;th fuipici(>ns againft ail. the 
other Princes and Generals, and to prefer, to 
them, a man whom he cor.-iidereU. as incapable 
f gaining any great advantages. 



No. 31. % 

"Patrum interim animos, certamen regrii, ac ciipido teiiabat." 

THE two armies met in Burgundy but the 
Princes, being inferior, evaded an engagement. 

The Queen-mother, in 1570, had too much 
penetration not to unravel the manoeuvres of the 
Marfhals de Coffe and Damville. She informed 
the King of them, and perfuaded him to liflen' 
to propolitions of accommodation. She perceiv- 
ed that the pafiions and the perfidy of thefe gran- 
dtes, might throw the flate into the greatefl 
dangers, if the war was continued. She was 
flill more determined by the news which fhe re- 
ceived from Germany, where the Prince Cafimir 
began to raife troops in favor of the Hugonots. 
The finances were exhaufled to fuch a degree, 
that they knew not where to find funds to pay 
^he Swifs and Italian troops, to whom they owed 
large arrears. In fhort, they wiilied for peace ; 
and were weary of a war which held all men's 
minds in perpetual alarm, which reduced a great 
part of the people to beggary, and which coil the 
flate fo many men, and fo much money. The 
King held, with the Queen-mother, the Duke of 
Anjou, and the Cardinal of Lorraine, councils, 
in which they refolved to return to the project, 
already fo many times formed and abandoned 
to grant peace to the Kugonois to deliver the king- 
dom 'from foreign troo[>s, and finally to employ artifice, 
and take advantage of favorable conjunctures to take 
off tan chiefs cf the pjrty, which t/.-cy thought would 
yield of itfelf, infallibly ^ as foon as tt Jhouldfee itfclf 



deprived of the fupport of their leaders. It was thus, 
that the court would have fubftituted craft in- 
Itead offeree, to execute a defign, which the ob- 
ftinacy of the Hugonots, or the want of fidelity 
in thofe who commanded armies, had always de- 
feated when recourfe had been only to arms. 

With iuch dark and horrid views were over- 
tures of peace made, and conditions concluded. 
The Princes and Admiral, ftill diffident and dif- 
truftful, retire to Rochelle, The King endeavors 
to gain their confidence. To this end, he propo- 
fes to give his filter Marguerite in marriage, m 
the Prince of Navarre, and to make war in Flan- /* 
ders upon the Spaniards. The marriage is r^ 
folved on, and all the Chiefs of the Hugonots 
come to Court. The Queen of Navarre is poi- 
foned. After her death the marriage is celebrat- 
ed, during the feafls of which. Admiral Coligni 
is wounded by an affaffin. The King takes the 
resolution that, as in extreme cafes it is impru- 
dence to do things by halves, the Hu^onots 
fhould be exterminated. The night between the 
23d and the 24th of Auguft, 1572, a Sunday . 
called Saint Bartholomew's Day, the Admiral is i - / /IL 
maffacreed, and almoft all the other Calvinifts*' 

are cut in pieces in Paris, and in ieveral other c *? 5 ^. , 
cities in the kingdom. 6** **#* ***/' r < 

Such, in nations where there is not a fixed and 
known conftitution, or where there is a conftitu- 
tion, without an effectual balance, are the tragi- 
cal effects of emulation, jcaloufies and rivalries- 
deftruction to all the leaders poverty, beggary 
and ruin to the followers. France, after a 
tury of fuch horrors, found no remedy ag 
them but in abfolute monarchy : nor did 

nation ever find any remedy againft the miieries ^^-^^ u & -^ r> * a 
of fuch rivalries amonff the gentlemen, but in x / 

j r sr i 111 r- nt* \M OLbr** J Cf 

aeipotiim, monarchy, or a balanced conititution. ,> // , 
It is not neceilary to fay, that every defpotifm *% 

G S anJ J 

<t.dav au.ic* have. -rocU^tce* .Jl~rri{*-t 


and monarchy that ever has exifted among men ? 
arofe out of.fuch emulations anung the princi- 
pal men ; but it may be afierted with confidence, 
that this caufe alone is fuflicient to account for 
'the rife, progrefs and eftablifhment of every def- 
potifm and monarchy in the four quarters of the 

It is not intended at this time to purfue any 
further this inftrucHve though melancholy hifto- 
ry, nor to make any comparifcocs, in detail, be- 
tween the ftate of France in 1791, and the con- 
dition it was in two or three centuries ago. But 
if there are now differences of opinion in reli- 
gion, morals, government and philofophy if 
there are parties, and leaders of parties if there 
are emulations- if there are rivalries and rivals 
is there any better provifion made by the con- 
flitution to balance them now than formerly ? 
If there is not, what is the reafon ? who is the 
ef &< caufe ? All the thunders of heaven, although a 

flj ifaf'j Paratonnere had never been invented, would not 

in a thousand years have deftroyed fo many lives, 

>0(n* jtU^nr j nor occaiioned fo much defolation among man- 
/( >/>/* ti ^ kind, as the majority of a legiflature in one un- 

controled affembly may produce in a {ingle Saint 
Bartholomew's Day.* Saint Bartholomew's ; ays 

re j i i i n~ T. 

are the natural, necellary and unavoidable enect 
''-'* -^ ri:>n;n and confequence of diverfities in opinion, the fpi- 
-w y t If t^V/pA'-v*^ nt of party, unchecked pafiions, emulation and ri- 
t ^ J&tUrf>,+-'^ v2i ^ Y J-> where there is not a power always ready 

and inclined to throw Weights into the lighteft 
fcale, to preferve or reftore the equilibrium. 

Ht nt> Jt tb^r With a view of vindicating republics, com- 

monwealths and free ilates, from unmerited re- 

ty * preaches, we have detailed theie anecdotes from 

the htftory of France. With equal propriety we 

might have reibrted to the hiftory of England, 


* Upon Franklin's authority, the French adopted their government is 


which is full of contefts and dilienlions of the 
fame fort. There is a morfcl of that hiilory, the 
life and actions of the protector Somerfet, fo re- 
markably appoiite, that it "would be \vorth while 
to relate it for the prefent however it muft be 
waved. It is too fafhionable with writers to im- 
pute fuch contentions to republican governments, 
as if they were peculiar to them ; whereas nothing 
is further from reality. Republican writers them- 
felves have bee as often guilty of this miftake, 
in whom it is an indifcretion, as monarchical wri- 
ters, in whom it may be thought policy ; in both 
however it is an error. We lhali mention only 
two, Machiavel and de Lolme. In Machiavel's 
hiftory of Florence, lib. 3, we read, " It is given 
from above that in all republics, there IhouiJ be 
fatal families, who are born for the ruin of them ; 
to the end that in human affairs nothing fhould 
be perpetual or quiet/' 

If indeed this were acknowledged to be the 
will of heaven, as Machiavel feems to afiert, why 
iliould we entertain refentments againft fuch fa- 
milies ? They are but inftruments-, and they can- 
not but anfwer their end. If they are commif- 
fioned from above to be deftroying angels, why 
ihould we oppofe or refill them ! As to " the 
end" there are other caufes enough, which will 
forever prevent perpetuity or tranquility, in any 
great degree in human affairs. Animal life is a 
chemical procefs ; and is carried on by unceafmg 
motion. Our bodies and minds, like the heavens, 
the earth and the fea, like all animal, vegetable 

. * O 

and mineral nature ; like the elements of earth, 
air, fire and water, are continually changing, - 
The mutability and mutations of matter, and much 
more of the intellectual and moral world, are 
the confequence of laws of nature, not lefs with- 
out our power than beyond our comprehenfibn. 
While we are thus allured that in one fenfe no- 


thing in human affairs will be perpetual or at reft ; 
we ouGfht to remember at the fame time, that the 

O J 

duration of our lives, the fecurity of our proper- 
ty, the exiftence of our conveniences, comforts 
and pleafures, the repofe of private life, and the 
tranquility of fociety, are placed in very great 
degrees, in human power. Equal laws may be 
ordained and executed, great families as well as 
little ones, may be reftrained. And that policy 
is not lefs pernicious than that philofophy is falfe, 
which repreients fuch families as fent by heaven 
to be judgments : Tt is not true in fact. On the 
contrary they are fent to be bleflings and they 
are bieflings until by our own obftinate ignorance 
and imprudence, in refuiing to etlablim fuch in- 
ftitutions as will make them always bleflings, we 
turn them into curfes. There are evils it is true 
which attend them as well as other human Wett- 
ings, even government, liberty, virtue and reli- 
gion. It is -the province of philofophy and poli- 
cy to increafe the good and leffen the evil that 
attends them as much as poflible. But it is not 
furely the way, either to increafe the good or 
leffen the evil which accompanies fuch families, 
to reprefent them to the people as machines, as 
rods, as fcourges, as blind and mechanical inftru-. 
ments in the hands of divine vengence, unmixed 
with benevolence. Nor has it any good tenden- 
cy or effect, to endeavour to render them unpop- 
ular ; to make them objects of hatred, malice, 
jealoufy, envy, or revenge to the common people, 
'The way of wifdom to happinefs is to make man- 
kind more friendly to each other. 'I he exiftence 
of fuch men or families is not their fault. They 
created not .themfelves. We, the Plebeians, find 
them, the \vorkmanftiipofGod and nature likeour- 
ielves. The conltitution of nature and the courfe 
of providence has produced them as well as us : 



and they and we muft live together ; it depends 
on ourfelves indeed whether it Ihall be in peace, 
love and f riendfhip, or in war or hatred. JN or are 
they rcaibnably the objects of cenfure or averfion, 
of refentment, envy or hatred, for the gifts of 
fortune, any more than for thofe of nature. Con- 
ipicuous birth is no more in a man's power to a- 
void, than to obtain. Hereditary riches are no 
more a reproach than they are a merit. A pater- 
nal eftate is neither a virtue nor a fault. _ He 
muft neverthelefs be a novice in this world who 
does not know that thefe gift of fortune, are ad- 
vantages in fociety and life, which confer influ- 
ence, popularity and power. The diftinction that 
is made between the gifts of nature and thofe of 
fortune appears to be not well founded. It is 
fortune which confers beauty and ftrength, which 
are called qualities of nature as much as birth and 
hereditary wealth, which are called accidents of 
fortune : and on the other hand it is nature 
which confers thefe favours, as really as ftature 
and agility.- 

Narrow ancj illiberal fentiments are not pecular 
to the rich or the poor. If the vulgar have found 
a Machiavel to give countenances to their malig- 
nity, by his contracted and illiberal exclamations 
againft illuftrious families, as the curfe of heaven : 
the rich and the noble have not unfrequently 
produced fordid inftances of individuals among 
themfelves, who have adopted and propogated an 
opinion that God hates the poor, and that pov- 
erty, and mifery on earth are, inflicted by Provi- 
dence in its wrath and difplealure. This noble 
philofophy is furcly as (hallow and as execrable 
as the other Plebeian philofophy of Machiavel ; 
but it is countenanced by at leaft as many of the 
phenomena of the world, i et both be difcarded 
as the reproach of human underftanding, and a 

dif grace 


difgrace to human nature. Let the rich and the 
poor unite in the bands of mutual affeclion, be 
mutually fenfible-of each others ignorance, \veak- 
nefs and error, and unite in concerting meafures 
for their mutual defence, again ft each other's 
views and follies, by fupporting an impartial Me- 

5/0/mt. That^ ingenious Genevan, to whom the Eng- 
lifti nation is indebted for a more intelligiole 
explanation of their own conftitution than any 
that has been ever publifhed by their own Acher- 
ly or Bacon, Bolingbroke or Blackftone, has quo- 
ted this paflage of Machiavel,.and applied it, like 
him, to the drfhonour of republican governments. 
De Lolme, in his conftitution of England, Book 2 
c. i. fays " I cannot avoid tranfcribing a part of 
"the fpeech which a citizen of Florence addrefled 
6 once to the Senate : the reader will find in it 
" a kind of abridged ftory of all republics/' He 
then quotes the paflage before cited from Machiavel. 
Why ihould fo grave an accufation be brought, 
againft republics ? If it were well founded, it 
would be a very ferious argument, not only againft 
fuch forms of government, but againft human 
nature. Families and competitions, are the un- 
avoidable confequence of that emulation, which 
God and nature have implanted in the human 
heart, for the wiieft and beft purpofes, and 
which the public good, inftead of cooling or 
extinguishing, requires to be directed to honor 
and virtue, and then nourifhed, eherifhed, 
and cultivated. Jf fuch contentions appeared 
only in republican governments, there would 
be fome color for charging them as a re- 
proach to thefe forms ; but they appear as fre- 
quent and as violent in defpotifms and monar- 
chies, as they do in commonwealths. In all the 
defpotifms of Afia and Africa, in all the monar- 
chies of Europe, there are conftant fucceflions of 



emulation and rivalry, and confequently of con- 
tefts and diflcntions among families. L>efpotifm 5 
which crumes and decapitates, fometimes inter- 
rupts their progrefs, and prevents fome of their 
tragical effects. Monarchies, with their fpies, 
letters de catcl et, dungeons and inquifitions, 
may do almoft as well. But the balance of a free 
government is more effectual than either, with- 
out any of their injuftice, caprice or cruelty, 
The foregoing examples from the Hiftory of 
France, and a thouland others equally ftriking 
which might be added, Ihow that Bourbons and 
Montmorencies, Guifcs and Colignis, were as fa- 
tal families in that kingdom as the Buondelmenti 
and Huberti, the Donati and Cerc'hi, the Rici 
and Abbizzi, or Medici at Florence. 

Inftead of throwing falfe imputations on re- 
publican governments ; inftead of exciting or fo- 
menting a vulgar malignity againft the moft re- 
fpectable men and families let us draw the pro- 
per inferences from hiftory and experience let 
us lay it down for a certain fact, firft, that emu- 
lation between individuals, and rivalries among 
i'amilies, never can be prevented : fecond, let us 
adopt it as a certain principle that they ought 
not to be prevented, but directed to virtue, and 
then ftimulated and encouraded by generous ap- 
plaufe and honorable rewards. And from thefe 
premifes let the conclufion be, as it ought to be, 
that an effectual controul be provided in the con- 
iiitution, to check their exceffes and balance their 
weights. If this conclufion is not drawn, anoth- 
er will follow of itfelf the people will be the 
dupes, and the leaders will worry each other and 
the people too, till both are weary and afhamcd, 
and from feeling, not fiom reafoning, fet up a 
mailer and a defpot for a Protector. What kind 
of a Protector he will be, may be learned here- 
after from btephen Boctius. . Qnd v I&CY Jul^ 

/ >/3 

'.**; : 

.>< ' U *\ * ** frfj j 



IF any one wifli to fee more of the fpirit >f Rivalry, without reading 
the great Hiftorans ot France, he may confult L'Efprit de la Ligue- 
L'Efprit de la Fr.'iide and the Memoirs of De Uetz and his Co-tempora- 
ries. The hidory of England is more familiar fo Americans ; but, with* 
out reading many volumes, he may find enough of Rivalries in thofe 
Chapters of Henry's hiftory of Great Britain, which treat of ei"il and 
military affiirs If even th 3 ftudy be too grave, lie mny *ind. in Shakef- 
peiie's hiftorica! plays, efpccially Henry 4th. 5th and 6 h.and Richard 
the hird, enough ro fatisfy hint. I- the ga;-.-iy of FalftafFand his aflb- 
ciate-., exci e not fo much of his laughter, as to divert his attention from 
all eri >us reflexions, he wil find, m the efforts of ambit'on and ava- 
rice, to obtain thei objects, tnou h of the everlafting pretexts of reli- 
gion, liberty, love of country a d pub ic good, to difgu fe them. The 
unli ullinig applicat ons to foreigii ;irw rs, France, Grr.ii.ny, the 
Pope, Holland, -.-otiand, Wales i d Jao>. Cade to increafe their par 
ties and affifl their (tre.ioth, wil excite his indignation : while the blood 
of the poor cheated people flowing in tonentson all fides, will affli(5t 
his humanity. 

The Eng ifli Conftitution, in that period was not formed. The houfe 
of Commons was not fett'ed; the authority -,f the Peers was not defin- 
ed the prerogatives of the Cr.jwn were not limited. Magna Charta, 
with all its confirm tions and folemnitie*, was violated at pleafure, by 
kings, noble* and commons too. The Judges held their offices at pleafure. 
The Habens Corpus was unknown ; and that balance of pallions and 
interests which a one can give authority 10 reafon, fr>m which refults all 
the fecur sy to liberty and the rights of man, was not yet wrought into 
the Englilli Con titution, nor much better underflood in England than 
in France. The unity of the Executive power was not eflablifhed. The 
National force in men and money was not in the king but in the land- 
holder-., with who ' the kings were obliged to make alliances in order; 
to form their armies ^nd fight their enemies foreign and domeftic. 
Their enemies werr generally able to procure an equal number of pow- 
erful Landholders with their forces to aflift them, fo that all depended 
on the chance ol war. 

It has been faid, that it is extremely difficult to preferve a balance. 
This is no more than to fay that it is extremely difficult to preferve lib- 
erty. To this truth all ages and nations atteft. It is fo difficult, that 
the very appearance of it is loft, over the whole earth, excepting one 
Iflaud and North-America How long it will be before fhe returns to 
her native Ikies, and leaves the whole human race in ilavery, will de- 
pend on the intelligence and virtue of the people. .A balance, with all 
its difficulty, muft be preferved, or liberty is loft forever. Perhaps, a 
perfect balance, if it ever exifted, has not been long maintained in its 
perfection ; yet fuch a balance as has been fufficient to liberty, has been 
fupporied, in fome nations, fur-manv centuries together ; and we muft 
come, as near as we can, to a perfect equilibrium or all is loft. When 
it is once widely departed from, the departure increafes rapidly, till 
the whole is loft. If the people have not undcrftanding and public vir- 
tue enough, and will not be perfnaded of the necefllty of fupportmg an 
Independent Executive Authority, an Independent Senate and an Inde- 
pendent Judiciary power, as well as an Independent Houfe of Reprefen- 
tatives. All pretenlions to a balance are >o[l and with them all hope* 
f fecurity to our deareft intercfts \ all hopes of Liberty. 

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